The ‘new’ economic geography?
53
Gibson-Graham 1996). It has also become linked to interests in ‘alternative’
economies that exist on the margins of, or in the interstices of,
the mainstream
capitalist economy (for example, see Leyshon et al. 2003). This is important in
creating space for imagining alternative forms and spaces of economic relations
and theorisations of ‘the economy’ and its geographies.
There are however dangers, as Scott (2004: 491)
has recently emphasised in
relation to Gibson-Graham’s (1996: 206) announcement that ‘the way to begin
to break free of capitalism is to turn its prevalent presentations on their head’. As
he acerbically points: ‘Presto. . . . The claim is presented in all its baldness, with-
out any apparent consciousness that attempts to break
free of any given social
system are likely to run into the stubborn realities of its indurated social and
property relations as they actually exist.’ In arguing for a serious consideration of
culture but against the ‘cultural turn’, Scott goes on to suggest that ‘quite apart
from its dysfunctional depreciation of the role of economic
forces and structural
logics in economic geography, the cultural turn also opens a door to a discon-
certing strain of philosophical idealism and political
voluntarism in modern
geography’. But it is precisely such economic forces and structural logics that
shape the often brutal economically dominated world that economic geographers
need to be able to grapple with and understand.
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