have shown time and again that strategies like these are critical to the creation of
regional competitive advantages and an important tool in the search for
improved rates of local economic growth (Bianchi 1992; Cooke 1999; Saxenian
1994; Storper and Scott 1995).
Some of the lacunae pointed out here can no doubt be dealt with in part by
appropriate reformulations of the model (such as the introduction of commut-
ing costs to reflect the spatial organization of local labor markets, or explicit
reference to coalition formation processes), but at the cost of enormous increases
of algebraic complexity. The Krugman model is for the most part a black box
that occludes what by many accounts must be seen as some of the most impor-
tant aspects of regional economic growth and development. As such, it casts only
a very limited light on the full play of externalities, competitive advantage, and
locational agglomeration in economic geography. Needless to say, the model is
silent on wider social and political issues of relevance to the analysis of agglom-
eration, such as, for example, region-specific forms of worker socialization and
habituation, the emergence of local governance structures, or the historical shifts
that occur periodically in technical-organizational structures of accumulation,
and that greatly impact regional trajectories of development.
By its elevation of atomistic exchange relations to an exclusive ontology of
the economic and the geographic (albeit in a Chamberlinian context), the
core model provides only a very partial account of the genesis and logic of the
economic landscape. In the end, the model can be seen more as an effort to
codify atomized market processes in simple spatial frameworks than it is an
attempt to understand spatial relations in any thorough-going sense of the term.
The strong point of the model is its description of pecuniary externalities in
multi-region systems; the weak point is its account of locational adjustment in
which units of capital and labor move like billiard balls (except for the ones that
have been nailed to the table) from one equilibrium to another, and then simply
fall magically into a fully functional economic system as they accumulate in
receiving regions. Nevertheless – and to be fair to the wider body of urban and
regional economics generally – there is an obvious and encouraging trend in
much of the current literature to move beyond the limitations of the core model
as expounded by Krugman and to deal in a more flexible and open-ended
manner with many of the issues where it is most vulnerable to criticism (see, for
example, the essays collected together in Cheshire and Mills 1999; and
Henderson and Thisse 2004).
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