Financing Investment Reforming finance markets for the long-term Alfie Stirling and Loren King ippr commission on Economic Justice



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cej-finance-and-investment-discussion-paper-a4-report-17-07-21


Financing 

Investment

Reforming finance markets  

for the long-term

Alfie Stirling and Loren King

IPPR Commission on Economic Justice

Discussion Paper

Get in touch

For information or to contact the IPPR Commission  

on Economic Justice, please email:

Louise Rezler, Programme Manager 

IPPR Commission on Economic Justice 

cej@ippr.org 

www.ippr.org/cej

This paper was first published in June 2017. © 2017 

The contents and opinions in this paper are the authors’ only.

Dominic Barton, Global Managing Partner, 

McKinsey and Company



Sara Bryson, Community Organiser, Tyne & 

Wear Citizens, Citizens UK



Matthew Clifford MBE, Co-founder and 

CEO, Entrepreneur First



Charlie Cornish, Group Chief Executive,  

Manchester Airports Group Plc 



Claire Dove OBE, DL, Chief Executive,  

Blackburne House Group; Former Chair of  

Social Enterprise UK

Lord John Eatwell, President, Queens’ 

College, University of Cambridge; 

Professor Emeritus, Judge Business School

Grace Gould, Entrepreneur in Residence, 

LocalGlobe



Sandra Kerr OBE, Race Equality Director, 

Business in the Community



Lord Bob Kerslake, Chair of London’s 

King’s College Hospital NHS Foundation 

Trust; Former Head of the Civil Service

Tom Kibasi, Director, Institute for Public 

Policy Research 



Catherine McGuinness, Chairman, Policy 

and Resources Committee, City of London 

Corporation

Prof. Juergen Maier, Chief Executive 

Officer, Siemens UK



Sir Charlie Mayfield, Chairman, John Lewis 

Partnership



Prof. Mariana Mazzucato, Professor in the 

Economics of Innovation and Public Value, 

University College London 

John Mills, Founder and Chairman, JML

Helena Morrissey CBE, Head of Personal 

Investing, Legal & General Investment 

Management; Chair of the Investment 

Association; Founder of the 30% Club



Frances O’Grady, General Secretary, Trades 

Union Congress



Stephen Peel, Founder and Chariman, SMP 

Policy Innovation



Mary Senior, Scotland Official, University 

and College Union

Hetan Shah, Executive Director, Royal 

Statistical Society



Mustafa Suleyman, Co-founder and Head 

of Applied AI, DeepMind



Sally Tallant, Director, Liverpool Biennial 

Festival of Contemporary Art 



Neera Tanden, President, Center for 

American Progress



The Most Revd and Rt Hon Justin Welby

Archbishop of Canterbury, Church of 

England; Head of the worldwide Anglican 

Communion 



IPPR Commission on Economic Justice

The IPPR Commission on Economic Justice is a landmark 

initiative to rethink economic policy for post-Brexit Britain.

Launched in November 2016, the Commission brings together 

leading figures from across society – from business and trade 

unions, civil society organisations and academia – to examine 

the challenges facing the UK economy and make practical 

recommendations for reform. 

The Commission is undertaking a wide-ranging programme of 

research and policy consultation on issues including industrial 

strategy, macroeconomic policy, taxation, work and labour 

markets, wealth and ownership, sub-national economic policy 

and technological change. Through a major programme of 

communications, events and stakeholder engagement it aims to 

contribute to both public debate and public policy on the economy. 

Non-partisan, it has been welcomed by both government and 

opposition parties.

The Commission’s Interim Report will be published in September 

2017 and its Final Report in September 2018.

www.ippr.org/cej



IPPR Commission on Economic Justice

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Alfie Stirling is a senior economic analyst at IPPR.

Loren King was an economic analyst at IPPR when this report was authored.

NOTE

The Commission publishes discussion papers to contribute to debate 

on issues of major importance. These discussion papers should not 

be taken to represent the collective views of the Commission or the 

views of individual commissioners, or the organisations with which they 

are affiliated. They reflect only the views of their named authors. The 

Commission welcomes responses and reactions to them.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We would like to thank the members of the Commission task group 

on finance for investment for their contributions to the research and 

for the debates which improved this discussion paper. We would also 

like to thank members of our Panel of Economic Advisers who made 

comments on earlier drafts of this paper. Thanks are also due to a wide 

range of organisations and individuals who submitted evidence to the 

Commission and with whom we discussed the issues. Finally, thanks are 

due to Michael Jacobs, Director of the Commission, for his comments and 

guidance at various stages of this project – his advice improved this paper 

immeasurably. Any errors in this discussion paper remain those of the 

authors alone.



THANKS

IPPR is extremely grateful to Aviva for their support for this project, 

and to the Friends Provident Charitable Foundation, the City of London 

Corporation, the TSSA, and a number of individual donors for their support 

of the Commission. Their support should not be taken as agreement with 

the content of this or other Commission publications.



Download

This document is available to download as a free PDF and in other formats at:

http://www.ippr.org/publications/cej-financing-investment

Citation

If you are using this document in your own writing, our preferred citation is:

Stirling A and King L (2017) Financing Investment: Reforming finance markets for the long-term

IPPR. http://www.ippr.org/cej-financing-investment



Permission to share

This document is published under a creative commons licence:  

Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 2.0 UK 

http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/uk/ 

For commercial use, please contact info@ippr.org


IPPR  | 

 Financing Investment Reforming finance markets for the long-term



1

Contents

Summary ..........................................................................................................................2

Introduction ....................................................................................................................4

1. The profitability of the UK’s finance sector rests in part on a failure  

to pass on the benefits of its rising productivity to the rest of the 

domestic economy

 ....................................................................................................7

Are finance markets serving the rest of the economy?  ......................... 10



2. Boosting SME investment further requires shifting the focus of  

bank lending to small, high-growth firms, and the development  

of new specialist banks .........................................................................................14

Is there still a finance gap? .......................................................................... 15

The problem of real estate ...........................................................................17

Policy proposals ............................................................................................. 19

Specialised banks  .........................................................................................20

3. Promoting longer-term corporate investment requires a stronger 

alignment of the incentives of companies with the savers who  

ultimately own their shares .................................................................................23

Intermediating ownership – for whom and what purpose? .................. 23

The growth of intermediaries ......................................................................24

Misaligned incentives – quantity over quality ......................................... 27

Misaligned incentives and agency capitalism .......................................... 29

Supporting responsible stewardship ......................................................... 31

Tax reform – hardwiring new incentives ................................................... 32

Conclusion and summary of proposals .................................................................34

References ....................................................................................................................35


IPPR  | 

 Financing Investment Reforming finance markets for the long-term



2

Summary

 

The reform of financial markets is vital if the UK is to be upgraded to a 

high-investment, high-productivity and high-wage economy.

 The financial 

sector is a major employer and earner of foreign exchange, but it is not 

sufficiently supporting long-term investment in the UK domestic economy. 

Small, high-growth firms are frequently unable to access the bank lending 

they need, while the markets and institutions that trade shares in public 

companies have created excessive pressures towards short-termism. 

Reform of the UK’s financial sector should therefore be focused both on 

improving the flow of capital to the businesses most in need of investment, 

and aligning the incentives among company directors, intermediary 

institutions and savers to promote longer-term investment. 

This conclusion is based on three key propositions:



1.  The profitability of the UK’s finance sector rests in part on a failure to pass 

on the benefits of its rising productivity to the rest of the domestic economy. 

Despite huge advances in information technologies and analytical capacity, 

the unit cost of intermediation to the non-financial economy was higher in 

2007 than it was in the 1950s.

• 

The UK has a lower rate of investment than our major competitors, 

and less than is required to move to a higher productivity, higher 

wage economy. After adjusting for the composition of industry across 

countries, the UK spends around 2 per cent of GVA on research and 

development (R&D), compared with 3 per cent in France and the US, and 

closer to 4 per cent in Japan and Finland.

• 

Financial markets influence both the demand for and the supply of 

investment. On the supply side, they provide access to credit and capital. 

They also affect business demand for investment by intermediating the 

ownership of companies through share dealing.

• 

By not passing on the lower costs from productivity gains, financial 



markets are not supporting the rest of the economy as they should. The 

unit cost of intermediating capital for the UK’s non-financial economy rose 

by a third between 1950 and 2007.

2.  Raising SME investment requires shifting the focus of bank lending to small, 

high-growth firms, and the development of new specialist banks. 

UK banks are 

overly focused on real estate, leaving a gap in the supply of finance needed to 

improve productivity and growth in the economy. 

• 

Although the supply of finance to SMEs has improved in aggregate since 

2014, net lending to small businesses – those with less than 50 employees 

– has been negative in all but one quarter over the last five years. There 

appears to be a significant finance gap for small, high-growth businesses, 

which are particularly important to shift the UK to a higher wage, higher 

productivity economy.

• 

The UK banking industry has an over reliance on traditional property 

collateral, and invests disproportionately in real estate and financial 

assets. The ratio of real estate lending to business lending among UK 

banks is three times the average across the Eurozone. 

• 

The Bank of England should raise the relative cost of lending to real 

estate within its funding schemes, while the Government should look at 


IPPR  | 

 Financing Investment Reforming finance markets for the long-term



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3

3

supporting the private sector to use intellectual property as collateral. 

Continuing to rely on horizontal interventions alone, such as the Funding 

for Lending Scheme, will not ensure finance reaches all the places it is 

most needed to upgrade the economy.

• 

The Government should capitalise new specialist banks to provide lending 

to key sectors and regions. By focusing on specific industries, technologies 

or geographic regions, specialist and public investment banks (such as the 

Green Investment Bank, or Germany’s KfW) are able to develop expertise 

and thereby ‘crowd-in’ private investment.



3.  Promoting longer-term corporate investment requires a stronger alignment 

of the incentives of companies with the savers who ultimately own their 

shares. 

By reforming executive pay, extending fiduciary duty to intermediary 

institutions such as fund managers and brokers, and ending exemptions for 

Stamp Duty Reserve Tax, the incentives for excessive short-termism in equity 

markets can be reduced.

• 

Trading in shares is largely rewarded on the basis of relative 



performance, not long-term value creation, with high frequency 

trading adding negligible value to the economy. Hedge funds, high 

frequency traders and propriety traders now make up 72 per cent 

of equity market turnover in the UK.

• 

Short-term pressures in equity markets are passed through to 



company board rooms, leading to an excessive focus on share prices 

and short-term returns to shareholders. A survey of more than 400 

executives found that 75 per cent would sacrifice positive economic 

outcomes if it helped smooth short-term earnings.

• 

Extending the legal fiduciary duty of pension fund trustees to asset 



managers and brokers would help align the incentives between 

companies and the savers who ultimately own their shares. A new 

Responsible Ownership Commission should be established to apply the 

principle and support disclosure and compliance. 

• 

Hedge funds and other market makers should no longer be exempted 



from Stamp Duty Reserve Tax, in order to reduce the incentives for 

short-term trading. The revenues generated could be used to create new 

reliefs in Corporation Tax and Capital Gains Tax to increase incentives for 

longer-term ownership of shares.


IPPR  | 

 Financing Investment Reforming finance markets for the long-term



4

Introduction

Superficially at least, there appears to be a paradox at the heart of the UK 

economy. Despite privileged proximity to one of the largest finance sectors in the 

world, UK firms invest less as a proportion of GDP than most of our competitors. 

Upon further inspection, however, this paradox is only skin deep. The UK’s largest 

firms have been net savers in the economy for a number of years. In aggregate 

they have more than enough cash from retained income to fund present levels of 

investment. Meanwhile banks and other intermediaries make huge profits from 

trading instruments and assets with one another and the rest of the world, not just 

from investing in the UK’s non-financial economy. It is little surprise, then, that 

the size and success of UK financial firms bears little relation to the investment 

performance of the rest of the economy.

Nevertheless, the uncomfortable juxtaposition of low investment levels and a 

highly profitable finance sector does raise serious questions about how well the 

finance sector is serving the British economy. It is possible to think of finance as 

a sector with two interrelated purposes. The first is to generate jobs, profits and 

tax receipts particularly by exporting services to the rest of the world, innovating 

in and diversifying risk management, while helping to uncover the market price 

of debt and credit. The second is to safeguard the savings of UK-based investors, 

intermediating the ownership of UK companies in the interests of the wider 

economy and ensuring that companies wanting to invest get the finance they need.

Since the financial crisis, understanding the way in which finance markets can 

shape the rest of the economy has gained new salience among policy makers 

and experts. On the regulatory side, the Coalition Government brought in a suite 

of reforms with the 2013 Banking Reform Act – though they did not go as far as 

the post-crisis Commission on Banking had recommended. Among other things, 

the Act obliged banks to separate their investment banking activities from retail 

services provided to individuals and small businesses. It also created the new 

Prudential Regulation Authority to oversee banks’ behaviour under the new rules.

The Bank of England has also taken additional measures to intervene directly in 

the incentives of financial markets in an attempt to improve their contribution to 

the real economy. From 2009, Quantitative Easing has been intended to free up 

cash for institutional investors to push money towards non-financial firms, while 

the Funding for Lending Scheme has provided incentives for banks to lend more 

to small and medium sized businesses. Most recently, the Term Funding Scheme 

provided additional funding for private banks on terms close to the Bank of 

England’s overnight base rate.

Taken together, the primary focus of public interventions during the last two 

parliaments has been to improve the safety (on the regulatory side) and the 

volume (on the incentives side) of investment. The latter has seen some modest 

successes, while the former remains untested. Very little effort, however, has 

been paid to improving the quality of finance for business, and especially to how 

markets can shape its demand, as well as supply. 

It has long been argued that finance markets have disproportionately short-term 

horizons. Survey evidence from the 1960s suggested that investment funds would 

typically expect a full pay-back on an investment within five years, despite the 

average effective life of industrial hardware at the time being at least 15 to 30 


IPPR  | 

 Financing Investment Reforming finance markets for the long-term



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years (Neild 1964). Yet further empirical evidence on excessive short-termism 

in the following decades was drowned out by the prevailing dominance of the 

‘efficient market hypothesis’: the idea that stock market prices always perfectly 

reflect the true value of assets (Fama 1970). Rational investment decisions, 

therefore, would always deliver an optimal return for the economy in the long 

term.

More recently, empirical studies have consistently shown that short-termism is 



a serious and demonstrable problem. Stock markets, particularly in the UK and 

the US, appear to be consistently applying a disproportionately high discount 

to longer-term investment – well in excess of that implied by their true value 

to the economy (Haldane and Davies 2011, Kay 2012). This pushes capital flows 

towards shorter-term investments, with significant opportunity cost to society 

and the economy. 

In response to this new body of evidence, the Prime Minister, Theresa May, 

announced in November 2016 the launch of a Patient Capital Review, to be led 

by the Treasury and advised by an industrial panel led by Sir Damon Buffini (HMT 

2016). It will focus specifically on investment in start-up and scale-up companies. 

Concurrently, the Bank of England has been exploring this area with new research 

and surveys looking to understand the extent of productive investment in the UK. 

The Bank’s work adds to a significant academic literature since the financial crisis, 

looking at the role of the financial sector and how it can be reformed to better 

serve the rest of the economy. Notable examples include work by Adair Turner 

(2010) and John Kay (2015). 

Although welcome, these recent policy interventions mark just the beginning 

of the work that needs to be done to ensure the UK’s finance sector provides 

maximum value for society. The internationally unusual size of the finance sector 

in the UK comes with a mixture of opportunity and risk. Its profitability attracts 

investment and talent from overseas. By contributing to the rise in prices of 

real estate and other assets our financial system also helps firms with access to 

collateral leverage credit, while its sheer size can help to mitigate and spread 

risk, making possible more productive and innovative ventures. However, the 

profitability of finance can also divert investment away from the real economy, 

where opportunities may be less attractive by comparison, especially if they are 

long-term in nature. The generation of asset bubbles accentuates this problem, 

while also presenting systemic risks for the economy as a whole. Meanwhile large 

inflows of overseas spending on financial services may help to keep the value of 

Sterling artificially high, which in turn makes UK exports less competitive and less 

attractive as an investment opportunity.

This discussion paper is focused on the relationship between the finance sector 

and business investment. It covers the role of finance in providing both capital 

and stewardship for businesses seeking to generate long-term economic value. 

It does not cover questions around systemic risk, interest rates, consumer 

banking or exchange rates, which will be examined as part of the Commission on 

Economic Justice’s separate work on UK monetary policy. Questions around the 

role of finance in the distribution of power and wealth more widely will also be 

considered separately by the Commission. 

The Commission’s deliberations have been assisted by submissions received in 

response to our call for evidence, and consultation with experts and stakeholders 

in the field. Our research has led us to three key propositions, which we put 

forward for debate: 


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