diachronic similarity
will be
employed to mean diachronic genetic similarity, unless otherwise indicated. What we
are interested in is the kind of similarity between a linguistic form involving sound and
meaning, in its earlier and later forms, whether it occurs within the history of a single
language or independently from an earlier common form ancestral to a number of
languages.
There are certain logical characteristics of diachronic similarity which are different
from that of similarity as it is understood in its application as a classificational criterion
in practically all other instances. One of these is that similarity is generally conceived to
be symmetrical. If
A
is similar to
B
, then
B
is similar to
A
. In phonetic change we would
naturally say that a sound will in general change to a similar one. For example an
unvoiced consonant often changes to a corresponding voiced one. Therefore, the earlier
and later forms share a set of common features, all except voicing, and it is in these
shared features that their similarity consists. Moreover, it seems natural to assert that
this is a symmetrical relationship. If a
t
is similar to a
d
then surely the similarity must
hold in the other direction and to the same degree. However, there are instances in
which a change can occur in one direction but not in the other. Thus there are many
attested instances of
s
>
h
but, as far as I am aware, none of
h
>
s
. However, diachronic
similarity is non-symmetrical, rather than asymmetrical, since the majority of changes
are symmetrical. Thus both
e
>
i
and
i
>
e
are possible changes.
Further, in synchronic similarity we are free to define degrees of similarity in
terms of the number of shared features according to some overall phonetic analysis of
sounds into combinations of features. However, while as empirical fact diachronic
similarity often coincides with synchronic similarity, this is not always the case. For
example, as we have seen, sibilants often change into
h-
sounds, but in every synchronic
scheme (of which I am aware) they differ by a whole set of features.
Joseph H. Greenberg
122
These considerations also hold in regard to semantic change, but with an added
twist, which increases the complications. When one sound replaces another, the first
normally disappears from the language, with a usual transitional period of free
variation.
2
In semantic change however the old meaning in the general case persists so
that, as we can see in looking at the dictionary entry for any common word, there are a
series of meanings, most of whose interrelationships are apparent in terms of semantic
similarity based for the most part on metaphorical transfers and metonymic shifts,
which are the most frequent types of semantic change. However, often some of the
connecting links no longer exist in that the word in some particular meaning has been
replaced by another lexical item. In addition, the cumulative effect of a set of changes,
particularly metonymic, which are often surprising, combined with the replacement of
certain meanings just mentioned, often leads to a situation in which historically
connected meanings of the same original form become, viewed synchronically,
homonyms.
As a result, a historical arrangement of the varied separate senses of a single term
resembles a genealogy, in which some members have died. It is then no wonder that the
search for necessary and sufficient conditions for the definitions of words in natural (as
opposed to logically devised) languages is often futile. When Wittgenstein made his
celebrated remark about the various senses of the same word showing a “family
resemblance”, he created a very apt metaphor, but in his ignorance
of historical
considerations regarding semantic change he did not realize how this had come about.
To summarize, in regard to individual resemblances, which correspond to the
notion of trait in the initial discussion, we have in effect asserted that forms are likely to
have a common origin if they could have descended by known types of change from a
single original. It may have been noted, particularly by linguists, that in saying this we
have alluded neither to regular sound correspondences nor to regular sound changes.
3
This is because regular sound change, whether conditioned by neighboring sounds or
unconditioned, is just one of many processes which are known to occur in sound
changes. Moreover many sound changes are known to be irregular.
2
It does happen however that a sound change is incompletely carried out so that, depending on
the dialect and the word, a particular change is or is not carried out. Sometimes both sounds
survive and the doublets acquire different meanings. These facts were well known to earlier
dialect geographers who coined the slogan that each word has its own history. The residues of
such a process are found in the so-called incomplete satemization of certain branches of Indo-
European in which certain words have fronted the original velars and others have not in a
manner which differs from branch to branch. The work of Wang (1969, 1977) and his
associates on “lexical diffusion” belongs here.
3
For a fuller discussion of the relation between evolutionary theory in biology and linguistics
including historical references, see Greenberg (1959).
The Methods and Purposes of Linguistic Genetic Classification
123
Further, conditioned sound changes may produce regular alternations of sounds in
grammatically related forms. Such morphophonemic alternations are generally subject
to the unifying force of analogy in which one of the alternants replaces the other. When
this occurs the direction of change usually differs in individual cases and in an
independent manner in related languages which have inherited the alternation. This
process is called reverse analogy and results in completely sporadic correspondences.
The Neogrammarians, to whom we are indebted for the general concept of regular
sound change, were well aware of analogy as the second major factor in sound change.
Take for example the various subsequent changes in Germanic after the
alternations in Proto-Germanic due to conditioned changes in consonants, summarized
in Verner’s law. One of the conditioned changes was an alternation of *
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