SYNTACTIC CONCEPTS AND TERMINOLOGY IN MID-20TH
CENTURY AMERICAN LINGUISTICS*
JAMES D. McCAWLEYt
University of Chicago
In this paper I offer an unsystematic and selective survey of syntactic
concepts and terminology that figure in works by American linguists in the
period from 1933 (Bloomfield's Language) to 1965 (Chomsky's Aspects of
the Theory of Syntax and Gleason's
Linguistics and English Grammar), pay-
ing special attention to parts of speech.
While traditional syntax was held in low esteem by many American lin-
guists of the 1930s through 1960s, many of whom made a point of rejecting
or avoiding much of its terminology, its concepts remained alive and well, or
at least, ambulatory, though often under aliases. Bloch & Trager (1942:60)
follow the traditional policy of identifying parts of speech in terms of inflec-
tional paradigms, for inflected words, and in terms of syntactic function, for
uninflected words. It should be noted that a policy whereby one criterion
dominates another whenever it is applicable, rules out of consideration any
mismatch among different dimensions of categorization.
Bloch & Trager warned against "The fallacy of attributing to one lan-
guage the grammatical habits and categories of another, simply because we
have decided to call certain words in both languages by the same name", but
allowed traditional terms to be adopted for convenience' sake: "The names
In his last e-mail message to me in the evening of 7 April 1999, the author reconfirmed his
promise to submit his paper, saying "Yes, please count me in for the special issue of HL. I
had hoped to have sent you a manuscript by now, but in the juggling act that I've been doing
the last couple of months, I haven't been able to keep all theballs in the air. I'll try to finish
revisions over the weekend (though this weekend I have to give higher priority to finishing
my income tax returns) and hope to be able to send you a manuscript next week." It was not
to be. However, the paper was in very good shape and Mr John F. Richardson (Bordentown,
New Jersey), put in charge of his papers by the late Professor's testament, has kindly done
some minor editing and provided me with the paper on disk, a job for which we all must be
grateful to him. — The paper very much represents the form in which Jim had presented it at
the afternoon session of the North American Association for the History of the Language Sci-
ences (NAAHoLS) in Los Angeles of 8 January 1999, devoted to the history of American
linguistics celebrating the 75th anniversary of the founding of the Linguistic Society of
America.
Historiographia Linguistica 26:3 (1999), 407-420. DOI 10.1075/hl.26.3.13mcc
ISSN 0302-5160 / E-ISSN 1569-9781 © John Benjamins Publishing Company
408
JAMES D. McCAWLEY
we give to these classes are not important. Usually we retain the traditional
terms, and apply such labels as 'noun', 'verb', 'adjective' to those classes in
the foreign language that correspond most nearly in function to the nouns,
verbs, and adjectives of English or some other familiar language" (p.60).
Both descriptivists and early generativists generally adopted some version of
this policy, and with it, a quite cavalier attitude with regard to terminology,
though with some interesting exceptions such as Charles C. Fries, whose
highly nontraditional nomenclature will be discussed below. Bloch & Tra-
ger's complacency with traditional terminology for the parts of speech of
English and other familiar languages and with the associated concepts is
striking; Fries's unwillingness to accept traditional taxonomies of English
words was evidently a main motivation for his terminological innovations.
Bloomfield's (1942:72) terms 'actor' and 'action' appear at first to be
merely euphemisms for 'subject' and 'predicate'; for example, he illustrated
'actor-action construction' with the sentence Pike's Peak is high, whose
meaning has nothing to do with 'action' as normally understood.
1
However,
his use of 'actor' and 'action' deviates from earlier use of 'subject' and 'pred-
icate' in at least two respects. The more obvious difference is that Bloom-
field's 'actor' and 'action' were syntactic constituents of arbitrary complexity
rather than single words;
2
the terms 'complete subject' and 'complete predi-
cate' had been used in traditional grammar for such constituents, though, as
Gleason (1965:141) notes, those notions were "given little importance in
most school textbooks". The second and more subtle difference emerges in
Bloomfield's discussion of English vs. Latin passives: for Bloomfield, the
English The father is loved is an 'actor-action' construction, whereas its Latin
counterpart Pater amâtur is not but is rather an 'undergoer-action' construc-
tion, a different kind of 'predication'. The rationale that Bloomfield gives for
withholding the term 'actor-action' from the Latin passive while applying it
to the English passive relates to another point on which he deviated form
traditional grammar, namely the relation that he envisaged between morphol-
ogy and syntax. For Bloomfield, "this English passive is a matter of syntax
1
Bloomfield adopts traditional terminology when he says that "we call the expressions that
fill the actor position in the English actor-action construction
nominative substantive