Revised january 30, 2009 a tangled web



Yüklə 1,68 Mb.
səhifə16/28
tarix14.01.2017
ölçüsü1,68 Mb.
#5394
1   ...   12   13   14   15   16   17   18   19   ...   28
. The role of the local Belorussian order police, which included some Poles in its ranks, was for the most part passive. According to German sources, some 345,000 civilians are reckoned to have died as a result of punitive operations directed against the civilian population of Belorussia, which included prewar Polish territories, together with perhaps 30,000 partisans. See Christian Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde: Die deutsche Wirtschafts- und Vernichtungspolitik in Weißrußland 1941 bis 1944 (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 1999), 884ff.


138 Mieczysław Suwała, “‘Boże, coś Polskę’ w Puszczy Nalibockiej,” in Julian Humeński, ed., Udział kapelanów wojskowych w drugiej wojnie światowej (Warsaw: Akademia Teologii Katolickiej, 1984), 386.


139 Barkai, The Fighting Ghettos, 263–64.


140 Ibid., 262.


141 Duffy, The Bielski Brothers, 184.


142 Ibid., 184–85. See also Tec, Defiance, 124–25. Estera Gorodejska, who was a member of Kesler’s group, reported that they had an abundance of food. Testimony of Estera Gorodejska, dated August 9, 1945, Archive of the Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw), no. 301/568.


143 Tec, Defiance, 124.


144 Ibid., 116.


145 Report to (Zus) Bielski by Captain Korobkin, commissar of the Frunze Brigade, Documents of the Belorussian Partisan Headquarters in the National Archives of the Republic of Belarus in Minsk, fond 3623, opis 1, delo 2, list 64, referring to an incident on December 9, 1943.


146 Musial, ed., Sowjetische Partisanen in Weißrußland, 201.


147 Tec, Defiance, 84–85.


148 “History of the Formation of the M.I. Kalinin Partisan Detachment,” “Jewish Units in the Soviet Partisan Movement: Selected Documents,” Yad Vashem Studies, vol. 23 (1993): 402.


149 Musial, ed., Sowjetische Partisanen in Weißrußland, 198.


150 Nirenstein, A Tower from the Enemy, 355–57; Barkai, The Fighting Ghettos, 245–46.


151 Tec, Defiance, 226 n.17.


152 Ibid., 85.


153 Denise Nevo and Mira Berger, eds., We Remember: Testimonies of Twenty-four Members of Kibbutz Megiddo who Survived the Holocaust (New York: Shengold, 1994), 235–36.


154 Tadeusz Krahel, “Archidiecezja wileńska,” in Zygmunt Zieliński, ed., Życie religijne w Polsce pod okupacją 1939–1945: Metropolie wileńska i lwowska, zakony (Katowice: Unia, 1992), 36. According to this report, the Jews had become a tool in the hands of the Soviets to further their anti-Polish activities.


155 Marek J. Chodakiewicz’s review in Sarmatian Review, no. 2 (April) 2006: 1217–20 of Musial, ed., Sowjetische Partisanen in Weißrußland, 48, 52–53, 88, 111–12, 123, 144, 158, 166, 193, 203.


156 Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1942–1944) w świetle dokumentów sowieckich, 41–42; Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 243.


157 Among the many publications that deal with this topic see, especially, Wardzyńska, “Mord popełniony latem 1943 r. przez partyzantów sowieckich na żołnierzach AK z oddziału ‘Kmicica,’” Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość: Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu–Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej, no. 39 (1996): 134–50; Wołkonowski, Okręg Wileński Związku Walki Zbrojnej Armii Krajowej w latach 1939–1945, 128–32; Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1942–1944) w świetle dokumentów sowieckich, 56–60. All of these sources reproduce the relevant Soviet archival documents.


158 Aleksy Litwin, “Obraz polskiego ruchu oporu widziany oczyma partyzanckiego zwiadu i podziemia Białorusi,” in Wiesław Balcerak, ed., Polska-Białoruś 1918–1945 (Warsaw: Instytut Historii PAN, Stowarzyszenie Współpracy Polska–Wschód, Stowarzyszenie Polska–Białoruś, 1994), 166. In his discussions with the Soviet partisans in June 1943, Lieutenant-Colonel Janusz Szlaski (“Prawdzic”) also raised the issue of repressions, including robberies and rapes, committed by Jewish partisans during raids on Polish villages. See “Protokół spisany dn. 8 czerwca 43 r. przez Delegata Sztabu Głównego partyzantów polskich-Wschód oraz Komendy Lenińskiej partyzanckiej brygady sowieckiej,” (attachment to no. Cy 345), in the Archives of the Wojskowy Instytut Historyczny in Warsaw, sygnatura III/32/10, k. 1–3. Similar complaints about Jewish marauders were made in meetings with Soviet delegations in other regions. See, for example, Krajewski, Na Ziemi Nowogródzkiej, 163; Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 116–18.


159 Marauding by Soviet partisans was one of the primary matters raised in discussions with Captain Viktor Manokhin, commander of the Gastello Brigade, in November 1943. The Polish record of this meeting cites cases of use of force (armed robbery, murders, rapes) and theft of valuables (gold, watches), clothing (blouses, children’s clothes), and other items that Soviet partisans simply did not need for survival. The Soviet representatives did not deny these occurrences, and in fact Manokhin’s own report confirms them. See Wołkonowski, Okręg Wileński Związku Walki Zbrojnej Armii Krajowej w latach 1939–1945, 155, 157–58; Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1942–1944) w świetle dokumentów sowieckich, 92. A Soviet summary report of a meeting with Home Army representatives in Syrowatki, on December 14, 1943, also recognized the problem of drunkenness and robberies that plagued the Soviet partisans. See Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1942–1944) w świetle dokumentów sowieckich, 109. Soviet sources make it clear, however, that the complaints were not taken seriously and these meetings were often treated by the Soviet side as little more than intelligence gathering missions. See Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 119. The Soviets were reluctant to reach any real compromise in an atmosphere in which bounties were being put on the heads of Polish partisan leaders. See Borodziewicz, Szósta Wileńska Brygada AK, 112. Jewish sources, however, continue to tow the Soviet propaganda line on this issue and lay the blame for the failed negotiations on the Polish side. See Lazar, Destruction and Resistance, 194–95.


160 Wołkonowski, Okręg Wileński Związku Walki Zbrojnej Armii Krajowej w latach 1939–1945, 126–27.


161 A. Chackiewicz, “O rozbrojeniu formacji AK w Nalibockiej i Naroczańskiej puszczach w latach 1943–1944,” in Wołkonowski, ed., Sympozjum historyczne “Rok 1944 na Wileńszczyźnie,” 73; Andrzej Chmielarz, “‘Sojusznik naszych sojuszników’: Stosunek ZSRR do Armii Krajowej,” in ibid., 187; Wołkonowski, Okręg Wileński Związku Walki Zbrojnej Armii Krajowej w latach 1939–1945, 130. The Soviets recruited local residents for this purpose. One of them was Nina Pankova Zelkhefer, a Jewish woman from Vitebsk, who was recruited in September 1943. She had resided in Wilno since 1921, where she established contacts with the Poles. See Lietuvos ypatingasis archyvas, Lietuvos TSR Valstybės saugumo komitetas (KGB), SSSR NKVD 4 valdybos lietuvių operatyvinė grupė, F. nr. K-1 mikrofilmo nr. 605, Ap. nr. 3, Saug. nr. 7, Korrespondentsiia s No 277 Berom, Partizanskii spetsotriad “Druzia” v tylu u nemtsev na territorii Belorussii i Litvy, C. 34, 19.9.1943 g.


162 According to an account attributed to a Jew who served in the Markov Brigade, Burzyński was suspended from a tree with his arms tied behind his back; his heels were burned with fire and pieces of skin were ripped from his flesh. See Banasikowski, Na zew Ziemi Wileńskiej, 79; Wołkonowski, Okręg Wileński Związku Walki Zbrojnej Armii Krajowej w latach 1939–1945, 129. Banasikowski deals with the destruction of “Kmicic’s” unit on pages 75–83, Wołkonowski on pages, 126–32. It is worth noting that Markov, as well as several Soviet prisoners of war, had been rescued from the Germans by Helena Borowicz, a Polish woman who worked in a Wilno hospital.


163 Markov’s full report, dated October 15, 1943, is reproduced in Wardzyńska, “Mord popełniony latem 1943 r. przez partyzantów sowieckich na żołnierzach AK z oddziału ‘Kmicica,’” Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość: Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu–Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej, no. 39 (1996): 141–46; Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1942–1944) w świetle dokumentów sowieckich, 58–59; Wołkonowski, Okręg Wileński Związku Walki Zbrojnej Armii Krajowej w latach 1939–1945, 127–30. Another report, authored by General Dubov (Grigorii Sidoruk), who headed the Soviet regional partisan centre in Iwieniec, is found in Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1942–1944) w świetle dokumentów sowieckich, 95–96. See also Henryk Piskunowicz, “Działalność zbrojna Armii Krajowej na Wileńszczyźnie w latach 1942–1944,” in Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1941–1945), 23–25; Chackiewicz, “O rozbrojeniu formacji AK w Nalibockiej i Naroczańskiej puszczach w latach 1943–1944,” in Wołkonowski, ed., Sympozjum historyczne “Rok 1944 na Wileńszczyźnie,” 73–74; Chmielarz, “‘Sojusznik naszych sojuszników’: Stosunek ZSRR do Armii Krajowej,” in ibid., 186–87; Wiaczesław Nosewicz, “Przegląd dokumentów Narodowego Archiwum Republiki Białoruś o działalności formacji Armii Krajowej w okresie II wojny światowej,” in ibid., 224–26. For an early account see Łopalewski, Między Niemnem a Dźwiną, 244. According to one of the Poles apprehended in this raid, the eighty partisans who were reportedly “disarmed and released” had in fact escaped. Apparently, Markov did not wish to acknowledge this shortcoming in his report. See the statement of Janina Smoleńska, in in Wołkonowski, ed., Sympozjum historyczne “Rok 1944 na Wileńszczyźnie,” 127–28. Markov’s strike at the Polish partisans was criticized by Captain Viktor Manokhin, commander of the Gastello Brigade, as “premature, ill-conceived, and sanctioned … on the basis of false information.” Moreover, as Manokhin noted, it had allowed the Polish partisans near Wilno to escape a similar fate and turned the Belorussian Catholic population against the Soviet partisans. See Wardzyńska, “Mord popełniony latem 1943 r. przez partyzantów sowieckich na żołnierzach AK z oddziału ‘Kmicica,’” Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość: Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu–Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej, no. 39 (1996): 147; Wołkonowski, Okręg Wileński Związku Walki Zbrojnej Armii Krajowej w latach 1939–1945, 130. The charge that the Poles executed local Soviet activists in Duniłowicze and were compiling further lists of activists to be eliminated, which allegedly served as the pretext for the liquidation of Burzyński’s unit, has never been substantiated. See Wardzyńska, “Mord popełniony latem 1943 r. przez partyzantów sowieckich na żołnierzach AK z oddziału ‘Kmicica,’” Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość: Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu–Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej, no. 39 (1996): 147; Wołkonowski, Okręg Wileński Związku Walki Zbrojnej Armii Krajowej w latach 1939–1945, 139; Wołkonowski, Okręg Wileński Związku Walki Zbrojnej Armii Krajowej w latach 1939–1945, 131; Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 292.


164 Henryk Piskunowicz, “Działalność zbrojna Armii Krajowej na Wileńszczyźnie w latach 1942–1944,” in Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1941–1945), 25.


165 Wardzyńska, “Mord popełniony latem 1943 r. przez partyzantów sowieckich na żołnierzach AK z oddziału ‘Kmicica,’” Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość: Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu–Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej, no. 39 (1996): 139.


166 Bohdan Urbankowski, “Antysowieckie powstania: Polska,” in Encyklopedia “Białych Plam” (Radom: Polskie Wydawnictwo Encyklopedyczne, 2000), vol. 1, 226–27.


167 Rachela Margolis, Wspomnienia wileńskie (Warsaw: Żydowski Instytut Historyczny, 2005), 166–67.


168 See, for example, the murders perpetrated in the Szczuczyn area described in Krajewski, Na Ziemi Nowogródzkiej, 202–203.


169 Kazimierz Krajewski, “Nowogródzki Okręg Armii Krajowej,” in Wołkonowski, ed., Sympozjum historyczne “Rok 1944 na Wileńszczyźnie,” 57.


170 Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv sotsialno-politicheskoi istorii, Moscow, fond 69, opis 1, delo 29, listy 125–52, report dated November 24, 1943. See also the following report found in fond 69, opis 1, delo 20, list 68, Ponomarenko to Stalin, dated May 21, 1943: “On May 9, 1943 in the Lenin [Łunin] raion of the Pińsk oblast [Soviet] partisans captured a group of Polish nationalists consisting of six persons led by a landowner [name undecipherable] from Nowy Dwór, a former Polish reserve officer. From the captured Polish nationalists they seized weapons, toxic substances, lists of [members of] a local partisan unit, and a Polish frontier guard badge awarded for terrorist acts [sic] against Soviet workers.”


171 Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 144.


172 Ibid., 149, 153, and the partial list of victims at pp. 275–81.


173 For example, “Łupaszko’s” Home Army unit entered into negotiations with Soviet delegations in November and December 1943. See Henryk Piskunowicz, “Działalność zbrojna Armii Krajowej na Wileńszczyźnie w latach 1942–1944,” in Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowgródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1941–1945), 26.


174 Prawdzic-Szlaski, Nowogródczyzna w walce 1940–1945, 99, 204; Boradyn, “Stosunki Armii Krajowej z partyzantką sowiecką na Nowogródczyźnie,” in Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1941–1945), 112; Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 130–31.


175 Major Pełka was sent from Warsaw by the high command of the Home Army to take control of the Stołpce Concentration in October 1943. The high command also dispatched three paratroopers (known as cichociemni, “the silent and unseen ones”) to reinforce the field: Lieutenant Adolf Pilch (“Góra”), Lieutenant Ezechiel Łoś (“Ikwa”), and Lieutenant Lech Rydzewski (“Grom”). See Krajewski, Uderzeniowe Bataliony Kadrowe 1942–1944, 382–83.


176 See Boradyn, “Stosunki Armii Krajowej z partyzantką sowiecką na Nowogródczyźnie,” in Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1941–1945), 120–24; Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 152–54, 295–96. The relevant Soviet order (General Ponomarenko’s) for this operation, with specific instructions to shoot on the spot any Poles who resisted, is reproduced in Pełczyński, et al., eds., Armia Krajowa w dokumentach 1939–1945, vol. 3: 292–93 (see also 343–44); Prawdzic-Szlaski, Nowogródczyzna w walce 1940–1945, 111–12 (see also 110–12, 210–11); Erdman, Droga do Ostrej Bramy, 242–43; Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 157. The order had fallen into Polish hands in early December 1943, when a copy was found in the possession of a captured leader of the Chapaiev (Chapayev) detachment. The document was sent immediately to the Home Army high command in Warsaw (who questioned its authenticity), and then on to the Polish government in London. Word of this order spread quickly among the Polish partisans in this region, and added fuel to the fire. Additional sources dealing with these events include: Polskie Siły Zbrojne, Armia Krajowa, Drogi cichociemnych, 142–47 (and the English translation of this book Poland, Home Army, The Unseen and Silent, 152–58); Juchniewicz, Polacy w radzieckim ruchu partyzanckim, 305–306; Jerzy Brzozowski, Stanisław Krasucki and Jan Malinowski, “Burza” na Kresach Wschodnich (Bydgoszcz: Biblioteka Wileńskich Rozmaitości, 1994), 18–20; Chackiewicz, “O rozbrojeniu formacji AK w Nalibockiej i Naroczańskiej puszczach w latach 1943–1944,” in Wołkonowski, ed., Sympozjum historyczne “Rok 1944 na Wileńszczyźnie,” 83–85; Chmielarz, “‘Sojusznik naszych sojuszników’: Stosunek ZSRR do Armii Krajowej,” in ibid., 187; Banasikowski, Na zew Ziemi Wileńskiej, 90–101; Krajewski, Na Ziemi Nowogródzkiej, 529–32; Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 152–73. Bolesław and Hanna Jabłoński’s account is reproduced, in part, in Siemaszko, “Komentarze,” Zeszyty Historyczne, no. 86 (1988): 166–67. For an early treatment see Łopalewski, Między Niemnem a Dźwiną, 244–45. Polish retaliations are described in Krajewski, Na Ziemi Nowogródzkiej, 532–33. Even after these events, however, Soviet partisans captured and disarmed by the Home Army were routinely released unharmed. See Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 168, 170.


177 In fact, in the fall of 1943, the Stołpce Concentration attacked the German and Belorussian outposts in Rubieżewicze, Derewno (Derewna), Chotów, Jeremicze, and Zasuł. See Broadyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 153 n.231.


178 Gnatowski, “Kontrowersje i konflikty między ZWZ–AK i radzieckim podziemiem na północno-wschodnich ziemiach Polski w latach 1941–1944,” in Liedke, Sadowska and Tyrkowski, eds., Granice i pogranicza, vol. 2, 186; Boradyn, Niemenrzeka niezgody, 158. The full report is found in Wojciech Roszkowski, ed., Konflikty polsko-sowieckie 1942–1944: Dokumenty (Warsaw: Instytut Studiów Politycznych Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1993), 103–105.


179 Komisja Historyczna Polskiego Sztabu Głównego w Londynie, Polskie Siły Zbrojne w drugiej wojnie światowej, vol. 3: Armia Krajowa, 209–210, as cited in Davies, Rising ’44, 206–207.


180 Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 159.


181 Ibid., 176–77.


182 Poland, Home Army, The Unseen and Silent, 155; Polskie Siły Zbrojne, Armia Krajowa, Drogi cichociemnych, 144.


183 Krajewski, Na Ziemi Nowogródzkiej, 155; Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 164, 301–302. General Ponomarenko’s report to Stalin on the disarming, based on a report filed by General Dubov on December 4, 1943, spoke of the “disarming” of 230 partisans and stated that in the town of Derewno, “a group of Poles put up armed resistance, as a result of which 10 Poles were killed and 8 wounded … We are interrogating those arrested. Please advise how we are to deal with them if an airplane does not arrive. In our opinion they should be shot after being interrogated.” In turn, General Platon wrote a letter to General Dubov thanking him for an efficient operation and instructing him as follows: “The scoundrels, especially policemen, landowners, and settlers are to be shot quietly, so that no one would know.” General Platon’s order was supplemented by a similar order issued by General Dubov. See Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 172. During the Soviet occupation in 1939–1941, Grigorii Sidoruk (later General Dubov) headed the NKVD in Iwieniec and oversaw the arrest and deportation of hundreds of Poles. See Poland, Home Army, The Unseen and Silent, 145.


184 The head of the special NKVD investigative team which issued the indictment (and passed the death sentences) was David Zukhba, a Jew. See Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1942–1944) w świetle dokumentów sowieckich, 120–21 (cf. 96 n.208); Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 164. The Polish leadership was accused of organizing and belonging to a “counter-revolutionary nationalist underground organization” which sanctioned “diversionary and terrorist activity intended to liquidate the Soviet partisans as (part of) a planned armed uprising against the Red Army.” See Gnatowski, “Kontrowersje i konflikty między ZWZ–AK i radzieckim podziemiem na północno-wschodnich ziemiach Polski w latach 1941–1944,” in Liedke, Sadowska and Tyrkowski, eds., Granice i pogranicza, vol. 2, 190.


185 Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1942–1944) w świetle dokumentów sowieckich, 102 n.224; Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 172–73.


186 Krajewski, Na Ziemi Nowogródzkiej, 532; Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 187. Reportedly, Polish women were captured and taken for the amusement of Soviet partisans. A concentration camp for political prisoners was even set up in Naliboki forest (most of the prisoners were soon executed). Those Poles whom the Soviets had difficulty apprehending were denounced to the Germans as possessing arms or belonging to underground organizations. See Banasikowski, Na zew Ziemi Wileńskiej, 99–100. According to Jarosław Wołkonowski, Soviet partisans had already started to liquidate individual Poles as early as the spring of 1943, after the discovery of the mass graves of Polish officers in Katyn and the severing of diplomatic relations with the Polish government in London. See Wołkonowski, Okręg Wileński Związku Walki Zbrojnej Armii Krajowej w latach 1939–1945, 85. Over time, abuses directed at the civilian population became more frequent. Ibid., 126. Needless to add, Polish partisans retaliated and struck at Soviet partisans and their civilian collaborators. See Boradyn, “Stosunki Armii Krajowej z partyzantką sowiecką na Nowogródczyźnie,” in Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1941–1945), 133–34.


187 Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 202–203.


188 There were hundreds of Polish civilian victims, which prompted retaliations by the Polish underground. However, the extent of Polish retaliations was considerably smaller than Soviet murders, and has been grossly exaggerated in Soviet and Belorussian sources. This topic is canvassed extensively in Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 204–209. See also Małgorzata Ruchniewicz, “Stosunki narodowościowe w latach 1939–1948 na obszarze tzw. Zachodniej Białorusi,” in Ciesielski, ed., Przemiany narodowościowe na Kresach Wschodnich II Rzeczypospolitej 1931–1948, 292.


189 Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 179–80, 223–28. Soviet negotiators were not sincere in reaching a durable agreement with the Poles, and treated the meetings as a means to gather intelligence and to secure concessions. Polish efforts to reach an understanding with the Soviet partisans were duly noted by the Nazis: “Weitere umfangreiche Massnahmen werden sich gegen die polnischen Chauvinisten richten, die sich Hand in Hand mit Juden und Kommunisten in äusserst starker Weise deutschfeindlich betätigten.” See Einsatzgruppe A, Gesamtbericht bis zum 15. Oktober 1941, OAM, 500–4–93, microfilm at RG–11.001M, reel 14, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Archives (USHMMA), Washington, D.C. The trend continued for some time: “Die polnischen Widerstandsorganisationen unterhalten Zusammenhang mit kommunistischen Terrorgruppen und mit Juden,” and “Trotz der weltanschaulischen und politischen Gegensätze die russischen und polnischen Widerstandbewegungen zur Zusammenarbeit gefunden.” (Emphasis in the original.) See Einsatzgruppe A, Gesamtbericht vom 16. Oktober 1941 bis 31. Januar 1942, OAM, 500–4–91, microfilm at RG–11.001M, reel 14, USHMMA.


190 See also Krajewski, Na Ziemi Nowogródzkiej, 539. M.P.


191 Poland, Home Army, The Unseen and Silent, 152–58.


192 As was to be expected, the remnants of Miłaszewski’s unit retaliated against the Soviet partisans in that area. See Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1942–1944) w świetle dokumentów sowieckich, 96, 98.


193 Boradyn, “Stosunki Armii Krajowej z partyzantką sowiecką na Nowogródczyźnie,” in Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1941–1945), 127–28, 137–39. Attempts at reaching some sort of an understanding with the Soviets were doomed to failure because they never abandoned their goal to subjugate Poland; their overriding agenda was to gain a tactical advantage from any such arrangements, or to simply acquire intelligence information.


194 Some of these assaults are chronicled in Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 201.



195 Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1942–1944) w świetle dokumentów sowieckich, 12.


196 Gnatowski, “Dokumenty o stosunku radzieckiego kierownictwa do polskiej konspiracji niepodległościowej na północno-wschodnich Kresach Rzeczypospolitej w latach 1943–1944,” Studia Podlaskie, no. 5 (1995): 214.


197 Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1942–1944) w świetle dokumentów sowieckich, 100 n.220; Boradyn, “Stosunki Armii Krajowej z partyzantką sowiecką na Nowogródczyźnie,” in Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1941–1945), 125–26, 128–29; Krajewski, Na Ziemi Nowogródzkiej, 534–35; Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 173–81.


198 Krajewski, Na Ziemi Nowogródzkiej, 187–88; Aliaksei Litvin, Akuptsyia Belarusi (1941–1944): Pytanni supratsivu i kalabaratsyi (Minsk: Belaruski knihazbor, 2000), 152.


199 Erdman, Droga do Ostrej Bramy, 245, 252–53. Erdman describes some of the short-lived contacts with the Germans at pp. 245–55. These purely tactical and short-lived arrangements, which were forged out of necessity at a time when the Germans were clearly in decline, cannot be compared to the serious flirting that Zionist factions in Palestine under Abraham Stern and Yitzhak Shamir underook in the early 1940s when the German army was victorious. These factions contemplated joint military actions with the Germans against the British and a long-term alliance with Nazi Germany in exchange for assistance in transferring Jews from Europe to Palestine. They were thus predicated on full support for the Nazi war effort against the Allies. See Yehuda Bauer, Jews For Sale: Nazi-Jewish Negotiations, 1933–1945 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1994) and Edwin Black, The Transfer Agreement: The Dramatic Story of the Pact between the Third Reich and Jewish Palestine, Revised edition (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Brookline Books, 1999).


200 Isaac Kowalski describes an agreement that Soviet-Jewish partisans in Rudniki forest entered into with the Germans: “One day one of our contact men gave us the message that a German post … authorized him to ask the partisans if the latter wanted to live in peace with the German post. The answer was—Yes. The result was a gentlemen’s agreement: that the Germans would not obstruct our passage through the village and we would not burn down their bunkers in the night. The agreement was honored by both sides …” See Kowalski, A Secret Press in Nazi Europe, 334; also reproduced in Kowalski, ed., Anthology on Armed Jewish Resistance, 1939–1945, vol. 4 (1991), 391. Sulia Wolozhinski Rubin, who was a member of the Bielski partisan group, recalls similar arrangements in Naliboki forest: “We settled our tents on one side of Lake Kroman [Kromań] … On the other side of the river the Germans settled their posts. … As time progressed, our men would talk to the Germans. They weren’t interested in getting killed either; and so it went on.” See Rubin, Against the Tide, 134.


201 Piotrowski, Poland’s Holocaust, 88–90. It would be as misguided to assume that the beleaguered Poles were pro-German or even pro-Nazi, as it would be to conclude that all of the Jewish partisans and forest people who aligned themselves with the Soviets were Communists or supported the Soviet regime for ideological reasons.


202 Wołkonowski, Okręg Wileński Związku Walki Zbrojnej Armii Krajowej w latach 1939–1945, 161–63, 206–207; Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1942–1944) w świetle dokumentów sowieckich, 180; Henryk Piskunowicz, “Działalność zbrojna Armii Krajowej na Wileńzczyźnie w latach 1942–1944,” in Boradyn, ed., Armia Krajowa na Nowogródczyźnie i Wileńszczyźnie (1941–1945), 50.


203 Brzozowski, “Burza” na Kresach Wschodnich, 48, 56; Henryk Piskunowicz, “Działalność zbrojna Armii Krajowej w pierwszej połowie 1944 roku na Wileńszczyźnie,” in Wołkonowski, ed., Sympozjum historyczne “Rok 1944 na Wileńszczyźnie,” 167.


204 Boradyn, “Antyakowskie specjalne wydziały i wywiad baranowickiego zgrupowania partyzantki sowieckiej,” in Polak, ed., Zbrodnie NKWD na obszarze województw wschodnich Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, 267, 269–70. For example, in January 1944, a reconnaissance group from the Chapaiev unit killed the family of an AK member in the village of Zabrodzie near Iwieniec. There were many such incidents which took the lives of thousands of civilians.


205 Chmielarz, “‘Sojusznik naszych sojuszników’: Stosunek ZSRR do Armii Krajowej,” in Wołkonowski, ed., Sympozjum historyczne “Rok 1944 na Wileńszczyźnie,” 188.


206 Michał Gnatowski, “Kulisy radzieckich starań o ponowne włączenie regionu białostockiego w skład ZSRR (1942–1944),” Studia Podlaskie, vol. 10 (2000): 62. See also the Soviet documents reproduced on pp. 339–80.


207 Soviet sources from April 1944 indicate that this matter was reported in Nasz Głos, a Lublin-based publication. See Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 169. A flyer issued by the Stronnictwo Narodowe (National Party) in the Sandomierz district in 1944, in response to propaganda disseminated by the Communist Polish Workers’ Party, also referred to the December 1943 assault on Polish partisans in Naliboki forest. See Chodakiewicz, ed., Tajne oblicze GL-AL i PPR, vol. 3, 144.


208 Shalom Cholawski, Soldiers from the Ghetto (San Diego: A.S. Barnes & Company, 1980), 162.


209 Levin, Fighting Back, 182.


210 See Shmuel Krakowski, “The Attitude of the Polish Underground to the Jewish Question during the Second World War,” in Joshua D. Zimmerman, ed., Contested Memories: Poles and Jews during the Holocaust and Its Aftermath (New Brunswick, New Jersey and London: Rutgers University Press, 2003), 103. For good measure, Krakowski takes Polish authors to task for their supposed nationalistic myopia: “Unfortunately, the mass of apologetic writing is a serious obstacle to understanding the complicated problems of this tragic past.” Ibid., 104.


211 Musial, ed., Sowjetische Partisanen in Weißrußland, 122, 134, 144, 227, 228, 223, 250–51.


212 Smilovitskii, Katastrofa evreev v Belorussii 1941–1944 gg., 129–46.


213 Boradyn, Niemen–rzeka niezgody, 144.


214 “The Righteous Among Nations: Poland. Tadeusz and Wladyslawa Korsak; Jan and Maria Michalowski,” Yad Vashem, Internet:
Yüklə 1,68 Mb.

Dostları ilə paylaş:
1   ...   12   13   14   15   16   17   18   19   ...   28




Verilənlər bazası müəlliflik hüququ ilə müdafiə olunur ©azkurs.org 2024
rəhbərliyinə müraciət

gir | qeydiyyatdan keç
    Ana səhifə


yükləyin