policy and academia.
1
While I note these five factors I will only address two of
them directly in the remainder of this essay.
Articles like this usually contain some personal confessions. This intervention
will be no different. First, I am not a degree-carrying geographer. Although I was
trained by geographers such as Peter Hall and Richard Walker, and influenced by
others such as Doreen Massey,
David Harvey and Dick Peet, as well as my grad-
uate student colleagues Michael Storper, Meric Gertler, Mary Beth Pudup, Susan
Christopherson, Suzanne Hecht and others, my degrees from the University of
California at Berkeley were in planning. In the early 1980s, geography and plan-
ning were intertwined. Today many of my former graduate school colleagues in the
geography department are in planning programs even as some planners are in
geography programs. The factors that led to this convergence are a good starting
point in considering geographers’ roles in policy debates.
History
Two concatenated experiences and the importance
of key actors contributed to
the emergence of a group of geographers and planners who were policy-oriented
and sought to be policy-relevant at Berkeley in the early 1980s. Turning the
clock back to that time, I was a member of a group of aspiring academics who
came together at UCB and spent five years completing dissertations on various
topics loosely linked with the subdiscipline of economic geography. How we
converged on Berkeley is a separate story, but suffice it to say that while there we
were influenced by issues and struggles occurring in the nation at the time.
The two previous decades of social activism around issues such as the Vietnam
War, Women’s rights,
inner-city urban decline, and the rise of the environmental
movement served as potent stimulants for the emergence of new social movements
and citizen-based activism. Coincidental with, but largely distinct from those
seeds of activism, was the economic crisis of the late 1970s when high interest
rates, falling productivity, corporate malfeasance and internationalization of the
economy led to massive job losses in basic industries. Whole regions such as the
Industrial Manufacturing Belt came under siege as
American firms shed millions
of jobs in the wake of revived competitors such as Germany and the emergence
of new competitors including Japan and the emerging Asian Newly Industrializing
Economies, that were profoundly changing the industrial landscape (Harrison
1997; Harrison and Bluestone 1988; Harrison et al. 1980, 1982; Harrison and
Glasmeier 1997). This period of tumult stimulated policy engagement and critique.
In the early 1980s it was difficult to ignore the massive upheaval engulfing
the nation. Such extreme change served to legitimize activism and encourage
engagement with social issues of an immediate nature.
Our engagement was further facilitated by the presence of public scholars and
academic activists who were working inside the ‘conventional world’ acting as role
models for our own politicization. They included Bennett Harrison, Norm
Glickman, Dick Walker and Ann Markusen, who were academics and activists.
Especially
important, people like them engaged the policy context by offering
On the intersection of policy and economic geography
209
theoretically informed commentary about contemporary empirical evidence
focused on major social issues of the day. Comparable actors in the United
Kingdom were people like Doreen Massey, Peter Hall, Richard Meegan, and many
others (Massey and Meegan 1982, 1985). Thus the context and the company encour-
aged inquiry into issues that were policy-oriented and socially relevant.
Concern
about societal problems was not enough; we were encouraged on a daily basis to
take part in public debate. We felt comfortable in and received encouragement to
pursue research projects on contemporary problems.
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