Dialects, Standards, and Vernaculars
7
There have been heated debates in American society about
the linguistic integrity of
socially disfavored language varieties at various times over the past half‐century. For
example, during the late 1960s and 1970s, there were many debates in educational circles
over the so‐called
deficit
–
difference
controversy
, with language scholars arguing
passionately that dialect variation was simply a matter of
difference
, not
deficit
, while
some educators argued that variation from the socially accepted standard constituted a
fundamental deficiency in language. In the mid‐1990s, the debate flared up again, this
time centered on the status of the ethnic variety African American English. This time,
the controversy even spread as far as a US Senate subcommittee hearing on the topic
and state legislation about the legitimacy of this variety in school settings.
When dialect differences involve groups that are unequal in their power relations, it is
quite
common for the
principle
of
linguistic
subordination
to come into operation
(Lippi‐Green 2012: 70) and for the language varieties of subordinate social groups to be
relegated to subordinate linguistic status. When this happens, “ordinary” people feel
insecure about their linguistic usages and come to rely on the authoritative guidance
offered by language “experts” – those well known for good writing or familiarity with
prescribed rules. In the process, misinformation about the presumed
linguistic
logicality
and
clarity of
socially
preferred forms may be perpetuated in order to validate evaluations
of linguistic usages and language varieties that are actually grounded in social inequities.
Most of us were instructed to avoid double negatives such as
She didn’t do nothing
because
“logic” dictates that two negatives equal a positive. In reality, though, language doesn’t
work like math, and what we are really being taught is to avoid using language structures
associated with the language varieties used by socially disfavored speakers. (In fact, in
some other languages,
for example Spanish, French, and Italian, double negatives are
perfectly acceptable, indeed the only way to form negative sentences “correctly.”). When
the dialects of socially disfavored groups become subordinated to the language forms
preferred by the “right” people, non‐mainstream dialects are trivialized or marginal-
ized, and their speakers considered quaintly odd at best and willfully ignorant at worst.
Furthermore, linguistic subordination comes with explicit promises and threats;
opportunities will arise when we use a “standard” variety and doors will close when we
speak a socially disfavored one. According to this principle,
the speech of a socially
subordinate group will be interpreted as linguistically inadequate by comparison with
that of the socially dominant group.
Linguists, who study the intricate patterning of language apart from its social evalua-
tion, stand united against any definition of dialect as a corrupt version of the standard
variety. A resolution adopted unanimously by the Linguistic Society of America at its
annual meeting in 1997 asserted that “all human language systems – spoken, signed, and
written – are fundamentally regular” and that characterizations of socially disfavored
varieties as “slang, mutant, defective, ungrammatical, or broken English are incorrect
and demeaning.”
When the term “dialect” is used to refer to a kind
of corrupt or unworthy English, it
obviously carries very strong negative connotations. A clause such as “but it’s a very
colorful way of speaking,” as in Quote 2 above, may soften the negative associations, but
8
Dialects, Standards, and Vernaculars
such statements must be made explicit to mitigate the commonly held assumption that
some dialects aren’t as good as others. Typically, the popular use of the term “dialect”
carries connotations ranging from mildly to strongly negative.
Finally, the term “dialect” may be used popularly
to refer to a specific, socially disfa-
vored variety of English. A person speaking a recognized, socially stigmatized variety of
English may be said to speak “the dialect” (“The kids … speak the dialect”). Such
designations have, for example, been used to refer to the speech of low‐income African
Americans or rural Appalachians as a kind of euphemistic label for the varieties spoken
by these groups. With the inclusion of the definite article, “the dialect” functions more
like a proper noun than in the generic, neutral sense in which the term is used by linguis-
tic scientists.
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