20
medium sized firms (SMEs) have been squeezed out from the formal loan market, and
they have been forced to turn to the informal financial markets with much higher interest
rates.
24
The efficiency and flexibility of the market for bank loans are also limited by the
domination of public-sector banks, which have systematically favored state enterprises at
the expense of private firms.
25
In the late 1990s and early 2000s,
two-thirds of all bank
credit seems to have been granted to the state sector. Thus, even though private firms
produce most of GDP today, China’s character as a market economy is still constrained
by the domination of government institutions in financial markets.
Another well known weakness of financial markets in China is that bank lending often
has been “soft” in the sense that a large fraction of the loans have turned out to be non-
performing (paying neither interest rates nor amortization). Indeed, according to many
observers, 30-40 percent of the stock of loans by public-sector banks was non-performing
around year 2000.
26
It is often also asserted that many bank managers
expected
government authorities to bail them out in the event of severe financial difficulties in the
future – if so, a pronounced example of moral hazard in the financial system.
The share of non-performing loans is believed to subsequently have fallen to less than 10
percent due to the transfer of a large volume of such loans to special asset management
companies, as well as due to the recapitalization of some of the banks by government
funds.
27
The large flow of deposits of household saving into state banks at low
(occasionally negative) real interest rates has also helped avoid an acute financial crisis in
the bank system.
For these reasons, the risk of an immanent financial crisis in China is remote. Indeed, the
Chinese government has sufficient financial resources to avoid financial
instability in the
near future, even with a “new round” of non-performing loans, and only modest recovery
24
McKinsey Global Institute (2006, pp. 65-66) estimates the informal loan market at US
$
100 billion
(about 5 percent of GDP), with interests often in the interval 15-20 percent.
25
According to the OECD (2005a, Figure 3.2), more than 90 percent of total bank assets are owned by
the public-sector banks.
26
See, for instance, Lardy (2000); Chow (2002, pp. 229-30); Aziz and Duenwald (2002); Asian
Development Bank (2004); and OECD (2005a, Table 3.4).
27
See,
for instance,
(2006, March 25) and Dobson (2006). The latter study
calculates that the Chinese
taxpayers have injected US $ 231 billion since 1999 to fix up the balance sheets of three of China’s Big
Four Banks. McKinsey Global Institute (2006, p. 32) estimates that more than US $ 300 billion worth of
nonperforming loans has been transferred from the large state commercial banks to asset-management
companies since their creation in 1998.
21
of the loans that have been shifted over to the asset management corporations.
28
However,
in a long-term perspective, financial stability, and indeed macroeconomic stability, clearly
requires that the quality of lending by financial institutions
in China improves
considerably. It is therefore disturbing that the large expansion of bank loans in China in
recent years (a rate of expansion of about 20 percent per year) has continued to favor state
firms; according to McKinsey Global Institute (2006, Exhibit 2) they have received about
two thirds of the loans. Indeed, several observers have expressed concern about the
quality of this lending; see, for instance, Goldstein and Lardy (2004).
Moreover, while future deregulation and increased competition in financial markets are
important for improving the efficiency of these markets, such policies could during a
transition period also contribute to financial instability through reduced profit margins.
These observations underline the importance of improving the quality of lending in China
sooner rather than later. (I will return to the consequences of deficiencies in Chinese
financial markets for the efficiency of the allocation of resources in the country – a
serious problem even if it turns out to be possible to avoid financial crises in the future.)
Another characteristic feature of the economic system in China is the
heavy reliance on
informal networks, partly as substitutes for “the rule of law” (i.e. the enforcement of
contracts through the legal system). Observers of the Chinese business culture often refer
to the so-called
guanxi
– the Chinese variety of “social capital”.
29
More specifically,
economic relationships among economic agents are largely founded on social norms of
cooperation, with roots in traditional kinship and community institutions. Indeed, such
norms may function as de facto property rights, thereby stabilizing expectations regarding
the behavior of other economic agents (Wank, 1999). These norms are then based on a
distinction between business insiders (
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