69
illiteracy among youth and adults. However, there are serious problems in the education
system in China, in particular in poor areas. Observers
seem to agree that the most
pressing tasks are (i) to reduce the financial burden of schooling for low-income parents;
(ii) to increase the number of students in secondary and tertiary education; and (iii) to
improve the quality of education.
135
These problems can certainly not be solved without a
substantial increase in the GDP share of government spending on education. Indeed, the
new Five-Year Plan presented in early 2006 explicitly states that government spending on
education should be raised from 3 (in fact 2.7) to 4 percent of GDP. Of course, such
expansion should not be seen merely as
an element of
social
policies since it may also be
justified with reference to efficiency concerns.
When considering reform and expansion of the education system in China, a number of
well-known choices have to be made, with some unavoidable trade-offs. One is to
determine the number of years students should follow a single track and when (and how)
students should be separated according to interest and ability (dual or multiple tracks).
There is much international experience to draw on in this case. For instance, there is a
rather general agreement among specialists in education
that an early separation of
schoolchildren (as, for instance, in Germany) into different tracks (in some countries
already after the fourth grade) disfavors children from homes without an academic
background. It is also likely that such a system will not provide theoretical skills (such as
in languages and mathematics) to a large enough fraction of the population (from an
efficiency point of view). The flexibility of the allocation of labor in response to future
(unknown today) changing circumstances may also be weakened by early separation.
Other countries have instead chosen a single-track system that extends through the ninth
grade or even further, thereby emphasizing theoretical training
that prepares a large share
of a cohort of youngsters (one-third or even half) for university studies. While problems
associated with early separation are then avoided, the highly heterogeneous classes of
students in the upper grades in the secondary school system have made it necessary to
limit intellectual ambitions in theoretical education. At the same time, students who are
more fit, and have more interest, for vocational (rather than academic) training often have
difficulties following such highly theoretical education, with a large drop-out rate as a
135
See Ministry of Education (2004) for a brief description of various quantitative aspects of China’s
education system.
70
result. One attempted remedy has been to teach vocational skills in schools. However, this
has usually not been as successful as apprenticeship arrangements
in firms combined with
continued part-time schooling.
Another important choice is between basic abilities (in reading, writing and mathematics)
and broader and vaguer “social competence” (including preparation for citizenship and
leisure activities). Several countries that have chosen the latter approach now have serious
problems with deficiencies in basic abilities among students as compared to countries that
have emphasized the other approach (such as Finland). Again, China is well advised to
draw on these experiences. It is from this perspective interesting to notice that today’s rich
countries emphasized “basic skills” when they were poor 50 or 100 years back – largely
for the purpose of boosting the ability of broad population groups in reading,
writing and
counting.
It is probably a good idea to avoid extreme solutions on both issues – concerning the
separation of students as well as and the choice between basic skills and more general
orientation – when China is confronted with this unavoidable trade-off.
Vocational training
in China is divided among SOEs, training centers affiliated with such
firms, and schools affiliated with the Ministry of Education (MOE) and, to some extent,
also with the Ministry of Labor and Social Security (MOLSS).
136
However, there seem to
be both serious deficiencies and huge variations in quality also in this system.
137
Indeed,
in many cases, these deficiencies may explain why many individuals
have recently chosen
to finance vocational training themselves.
138
When considering reforms in vocational
training, China is well advised to take inspiration from the German experience with
apprenticeship work at firms combined with general education at school (i.e., two days a
week in school and three on the job, or vice versa). This could be accomplished without
very early separation of students into a two-track system.
136
See, for instance, Fleisher and Wang (2001) and Li (2004). There seem to have been nearly 11
million participants in various training centers and training programs. According to Li, 1.9 million
people were enrolled in schools connected with firms by the end of 2003.
137
For instance, Li (2004) reports many examples of
poor supervision, considerable disorder and inefficiencies,
as well as large mismatches between the demand for skills and the availability of training opportunities for
different types of skills. The number of vocational schools has also fallen gradually – by at least 50 percent
since the early 1990s.
138
In a sample used by Li (2004), about a third of the individuals engaged in vocational training
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