I. The Nature and Economic Consequences of the Economic Reforms
I:1
The Reforms
The sequence of the economic reforms in China is well known by now
.
The reforms
started with spontaneous, mainly local reorganization in
agriculture
in the late
1970s, resulting in greater autonomy for individual collective farms, as well as for
those working there. These arrangements were codified and further developed in
accordance with the so-called Household Responsibility System in 1978/79 and the
replacement of collective farms with family farms in the early 1980s.
2
In
industry
, the reforms began in the early 1980s (also rather spontaneously) with an
expansion of collective industrial firms in rural areas, so-called Township and
Village Enterprises (TVEs), initiated by local political leaders.
3
Indeed, the TVEs
became the most vital part of the manufacture sector in China from the early 1980s
to the early 1990s. The economic reform process continued with central policy
decisions to increase the autonomy of individual state-owned enterprises, SOEs, in
particular as a result of the so-called Contract Responsibility System initiated in the
mid-1980s.
These three developments – the shift from agricultural collectives to household
farms, the expansion of TVEs, and the reorganization of individual SOEs –
constitute
the starting point
for a gradual overhaul of the entire economic system in
China. The reform process continued with the privatization of a large number of
small and medium-sized SOEs, the entry and expansion of domestic and foreign
private firms (the latter, to begin with, in Special Economic Zones, SEZs), a
gradually more private character of the originally collective industrial firms
4
and the
2
See, for instance, Zhou (1996) and Johnson (1996 and 1998).
3
These firms grew out from so called Commune Brigade Enterprises, formed in the connection with the
“Great Leap Forward” and the “Cultural Revolution”. These firms originally took over industrial
production from agriculture communes.
4
In geographical areas with “government-centered” ownership regimes, the TVEs continued to be
collectively owned for a prolonged period of time, although increasingly operated by hired managers
under various incentive contracts. By contrast, in municipalities with “entrepreneur-centered regimes”,
such as in the coastal areas of southeastern China, TVEs were privatized at an early stage of the reform
period, and private individuals have dominated the creation of new firms (Oi and Walder, 1999).
7
liberalization of international trade. While the reforms of the SOEs, in the beginning
were limited to reorganizations, from the mid-1990s layoffs of workers and
privatization became dominating features of the reform process in this sector.
Moreover, today (indeed from the mid-1990s), most TVEs, although still often
called “collective”, are basically private firms – partnerships, unincorporated
business or producers’ cooperatives. (The label “collective” is often presumed to
make them ideologically more acceptable and better treated by public authorities
and credit institutes; see, for instance, IFC, 2000.)
Since the economic reforms are best characterized as a change of the economic
system, it is useful to analyze them in the context of a typology of economic
systems.
Following a previous paper of mine (Lindbeck, 1975), I will regard an
economic system as a multi-dimensional phenomenon, defined here in terms of a
nine-dimensional vector; see Figure 1. The
first
two
dimensions concern the
ownership of firms and assets, respectively – contrasting public (government) and
private ownership. The
third
dimension deals with the choice between centralized
and decentralized economic decision-making, and the
fourth
with the related choice
between administrative processes and market mechanisms for transmitting
information, coordinating economic decisions, and distributing goods and services
among households. The
fifth
and
sixth
dimensions concern the extent to which
economic behavior is influenced by non-economic motives and economic
incentives, respectively – in the case of individuals as well as firms. The
seventh
and
eighth
dimensions refer to one crucial aspect of the relation between the
economic agents within the domestic economy: the role of competition. The
ninth
dimension, finally, concerns the relations between domestic economic agents and
the outside world, contrasting autarkic and internationally integrated
(“internationalized”) economic systems.
8
5.
firms
firms
2. of assets
of assets
Public
ownership
Non-
economic
motives
Coope-
ration/
collusion
Private ownership
Economic
incentives
Competition
*
6.
individuals
individuals
1. of firms
of firms
7.
firms firms
8.
individuals
individuals
*
O
China before 1978
Chinese non-agriculture sectors today
Chinese agriculture today
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