This study follows two basic trajectories in its organization: first, it traces the evolution of biopolitics in the years following 9/11, from the attacks on the World Trade Center to the inauguration of the Department of Homeland Security to the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina and finally to the contemporary American metropolis, where institutional narratives embed themselves in our everyday lives. Paying particular attention to the ways in which state-endorsed narratives infiltrate private and public life, I have also organized these chapters around the spaces in which these political maneuvers occur. I move from the space of the home (which was once private but is now linked to public citizenship) to the space of the city (which was once public but is now linked to private citizenship and a culture of privatization). These divergent vectors reveal the tendency for biopolitics to dissolve spatial boundaries in the interest of creating uniform “paths to citizenship,” in which Americans may practice and perform identities that are consistent with the state’s goals. In the final chapter, I turn my attention to formal strategies that invite readers to experience trauma through their interaction with the space of the text.
Chapter one addresses novels published after 2001 that confront 9/11 and its aftermath through the lens of political satire. I argue that state-endorsed narratives circulating around 9/11 systematically deprived survivors of their memory of the event, preventing them from accessing the politically-vital experience of “trauma time.” Positioning oneself outside of these national narratives was difficult in the months and years following 9/11, and these texts provide important counter-narratives that contest the political rhetoric generated by the state. I argue, more importantly, that their use of satire as a spatial tactic allows readers to generate critical distance from the discourses of the state.
Spiegelman’s In the Shadow of No Towers, a graphic novel whose textual layout resembles that of a newspaper, presents an autobiographical account of the author’s experience on 9/11 and during the months following the attacks. Using writing as a means of confronting trauma, Spiegelman is most concerned with the individual’s private experience of trauma and how that experience intersects with public, national demonstrations of trauma; here, the individual is positioned within much larger institutional networks that all too often work to dilute the traumatic experience of its political dimensions. Jess Walter’s The Zero similarly introduces a protagonist whose traumatic experience is as much a result of the political maneuverings of the U.S. government as of the attacks themselves, and, like Walter’s novel, Ken Kalfus’ A Disorder Peculiar to the Country uses satire as a spatial tactic to distance readers from state-endorsed narratives. In each text, I address the dissonance between individuals legitimately traumatized by the
attacks and an institutional presence that reinforces itself by co-opting and reproducing national narratives of trauma.
In chapter two, I address the institutional response to 9/11: the inauguration of the Department of Homeland Security and concomitant emergence of the homeland security state. The well-documented debates on national security that followed 9/11 and that persist even today are often rhetorically figured around domestic imaginaries that use the home as a symbol for security, stability, and political innocence. Situating the nation as a home, specifically a home under attack by a hostile foreign enemy, the state co-opted the traditionally private space of the home for the public project of generating political consensus. The end result of this process, of course, was the widespread endorsement of the Iraq invasion in 2003. I am interested in how psychological and political attachments to domestic space around the issue of national security made possible the rapid expansion of biopower in the years following 9/11. Using Philip Roth’s American Pastoral, I discuss how the seemingly-apolitical investment in domesticity invites the production of dangerous narratives that ultimately disengage Americans from political discourse. I extend this argument to Michael Haneke’s film, Funny Games, claiming that domestic space, however innocuous it may appear to be, is inherently political and inherently violent; situating the nation as a home legitimates egregious acts of political violence both at home and abroad.
These discourses on homeland security came to the surface in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, when thousands of New Orleanians—mostly poor and black—were disenfranchised of their fundamental human rights by a state apparatus myopically committed to national security. In chapter three, I discuss the volatile politics of urban space in New Orleans in the weeks, months, and years following Katrina. Examining Dave Eggers’ Zeitoun and the HBO television series Treme, I trace the narrative of New Orleans’ city space, from a depoliticized, “smooth space” immediately following the hurricane to a highly- regimented, militarized zone, and back, finally, to a performative space in which the people of New Orleans contested the disciplinary forces at work in their city. This chapter utilizes theories on urban space to explain the complex negotiations of space that occurred on both individual and institutional levels in New Orleans, using the two texts to theorize testimony as a performative speech act with significant social, political, and psychological consequences.
Chapter four continues the work of theorizing our relationship to urban space, confronting the socially-corrosive politics of the “postmetropolis,” Edward Soja’s term for the emerging cities of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.
Metropolitan growth in recent decades, facilitated most visibly by an increasingly ubiquitous freeway system that disperses, rather than condenses, urban space, has forced us to reconsider our relationship to the cities we inhabit. Deprived of the opportunity to engage in politically-vital street-level spatial practices as a result of this system, individuals are increasingly dislocated from one another and from
communities that foster social engagement. I begin by discussing Helena María Viramontes’ Their Dogs Came with Them, a novel that describes the disappearance of an East L.A. barrio as a result of freeway construction. Lacking material sites of memory, the characters in Viramontes’ novel fail to socially or politically situate themselves in the transformed space of their city. Expanding on the deleterious effects of postmetropolitan growth, I discuss Robert Altman’s film, Short Cuts, which depicts Los Angeles as a hyperreal urban environment in which empathy and productive social exchange have all but disappeared. This social climate, I argue, is the result of institutional policies of privatization that have severed individuals from their connection to the city.
In each chapter I am interested in highlighting narrative strategies that involve the reader in the negotiation of the text and simultaneously generate critical distance from state-endorsed narratives. In the final chapter, I exclusively address formal strategies—textual presentation, adaptation, and textual performativity—that simulate trauma by generating textual spaces for readers to inhabit. If trauma eludes language, as many theorists have argued, then textual strategies that simulate the experience of space may provide valuable opportunities for narrating traumatic experiences and achieving critical distance from state-endorsed political narratives. The texts of interest to this chapter are Mark Z. Danielewski’s House of Leaves, Jane Smiley’s A Thousand Acres, and Leslie Marmon Silko’s Ceremony. Not intending to provide conclusive theories
on any of these three broad fields of inquiry, this chapter encourages further critical approaches that recognize and engage textual space in literature.
The project of identifying and representing political trauma is difficult to realize in part because narratives of trauma are continually being co-opted and absorbed by institutional power. As quickly as individuals narrate their experience—be it falling towers or flooding streets—the media and the state begin the work of assimilating those narratives into easily reproducible packages for cultural consumption. Understanding the causes and effects of political trauma requires us to adopt critical approaches that move us outside of the production and consumption of narrative. Literature, and specifically texts that encourage spatial readings, provides vital avenues for this productive engagement with trauma, history, and culture. As the state increasingly dictates where and how power is distributed, we, too, must better understand the politics of space and trauma, and how these concepts play out in the practice of everyday life. Narrative Exploits begins this project.
CHAPTER 1
TRAUMATIC IRONY: THE NARRATIVE POLITICS OF 9/11
The writer begins in the towers, trying to imagine the moment, desperately. Before politics, before history and religion, there is the primal terror. People falling from the towers hand in hand. This is part of the counter-narrative, hands and spirits joining, human beauty in the crush of meshed steel.
Don DeLillo, “In the Ruins of the Future”
DeLillo, in the above quote, identifies the intensely problematic task of writing 9/11. History, religion, trauma, politics, narrative: these contested and often highly-malleable terms—whether or not writers openly acknowledge their rhetorical baggage—are involved in the consumption of 9/11, an event that, over a decade after the attacks, is still being absorbed and defined by complex narratives of American innocence, retribution, and national identity. Probing the event and the ways we have come to understand it reveals the narrative processes that underlie American cultural and political discourse. DeLillo’s article, written almost immediately after 9/11 and published in December of 2001, acknowledges the tension between the individual and the state, implying that 9/11 is perpetually in danger of being defined in political terms that bolster the state. The “counter- narrative” that he describes emerges only through exposing oneself to the moment of trauma, a moment so radically removed from our interpretive framework that it
provides opportunities for representation that exist and go beyond the language made available by conventional modes of discourse. In the “primal terror” resides the potential for challenging and resisting the political narratives that inform our understanding of 9/11.
In this way, writers attempting to represent 9/11 must be continually aware of the tension existing between the raw moment of trauma and the national narratives that threaten to deprive it of its dynamic political power. To engage this moment, to dwell in and simulate the experience of trauma, offers writers the opportunity—by redefining and rewriting political narratives—to reveal the discursive machinery of the state and the systems of control embedded in the spectacle. The best 9/11 literature gives us these critical glimpses of the political Real and, in doing so, produces counter-narratives that provide vital alternatives to the systems of political control sustained by nationally-endorsed narratives. In this chapter I discuss three political satires emerging in the decade after 9/11: Art Spiegelman’s In the Shadow of No Towers, Jess Walter’s The Zero, and Ken Kalfus’ A Disorder Peculiar to the Country. These novels describe and simulate the political trauma of 9/11, suggesting the possibility of inhabiting textual spaces removed from nationally-endorsed processes of narrative production and consumption. Literature aiming to challenge state authority in the post-9/11 world must generate critical distance from state narratives and provide alternatives to the systems of political control sustained through narrative production. Always aware of the cultural and political baggage attached to 9/11, these novels are more
concerned with deconstructing the national response to the attacks on the World Trade Center than representing the isolated event itself; the event, rather, inspires a moment of political clarity that takes us outside the pervasive discourses of consumerism and nationalism that proliferated after the attacks. In this respect, these texts might be better labeled “9/12 novels,” considering their investment in confronting the political residue of 9/11 (Walter, “Interview” 4). Addressing the narrative strategies utilized in each text, this chapter theorizes spatial tactics, such as satire, that remove readers from the claustrophobic interpretive spaces of contemporary discourse, and our negotiation of the “counter-space” generated by these strategies creates vital opportunities for reestablishing political subjectivity.
Also important to these works are the ways in which the personal intersects with the political. That these novels demonstrate an overt concern for depicting the impact of political trauma on the family and the individual speaks to the ways that state politics, through the increasing mediation and dissemination of political narratives, infiltrate our personal lives. Characters understand themselves and their relationships primarily through the complex political narratives that surround them. These narratives, I argue, as much define the personal lives of ordinary Americans as they do the complexion of the nation. This chapter addresses the increasing permeability of private and public boundaries as a consequence of political and institutional power; national narratives—insofar as they define what it means to be an American—profoundly and fundamentally
disrupt one’s sense of identity and one’s position within and in relation to the state.
The task that writers of the post-9/11 generation face, then, is positioning themselves against mainstream political discourse in order to expose the ways that politics are inextricably bound to projects of narrativization and how narrative, itself, is an intrinsically political exercise. John Duvall and Robert Marzec argue that 9/11 fiction, even those books concerned with the effects of trauma on domestic life, should not shirk political discourse. In The Zero, as Duvall and Marzec note, “even the deployment of a domestic situation is not a retreat from but rather a covert engagement with the political,” and this observation could be even more aptly applied to No Towers and A Disorder (386). Fiction provides many valuable opportunities for engaging in necessary political exchange. Novels and, specifically, satire as a genre give us ways of circumventing mainstream discourse and challenging the political narratives that have largely been normalized in contemporary culture. This chapter, then, challenges the logic of Andrew Pepper’s claim that “literary fiction is singularly ill-equipped to illuminate the complex geopolitical arrangements that the events of 9/11 brought sharply into focus” (404). Rather, as Kristiaan Versluys writes, “The novelistic practice of viewing a situation in its full complexity entails the denial of the reductive logic of terrorism, the black-and-white ideological view that legitimates indiscriminate violence. It equally goes against the simplifications of patriotic
rodomontade and revanchist rhetoric” (17).1 Through satire, we approach this rhetoric behind the veil of irony, which removes us from the discursive space of the state; the critical distance we achieve through this practice allows us to receive and produce narratives from a number of subject positions simultaneously, contesting the political narratives that often seek to interpellate Americans in static positions of political complacency. Ironic detachment, in short, generates a discursive space of resistance that enables these critical spatial practices.
From this position, we can begin to see how power is invested in narrative and how the production of spaces outside of national discourse is critical to contesting these political narratives. This is why the three novels of interest to this chapter in various ways attempt to deconstruct our notions of narrative stability through experimental, spatializing narrative strategies. These novels suggest that adhering to conventional narrative forms only serves to support the projects of narrativization at the heart of political trauma; alternative approaches to narrative offer avenues for resistance to political narratives produced by the state. Not all post-9/11 novels, of course, utilize this template. Jay McInerney’s The Good Life, for instance, sees shared trauma as the foundation of an extramarital affair between two survivors of the attacks, but its disavowal of politics in large part aligns it with narratives of the state. Jonathan Safran Foer’s Extremely Loud and
1 Versluys’ book along with Birgit Däwes’ Ground Zero Fiction: History, Memory, and Representation in the American 9/11 Novel and Richard Gray’s, After the Fall: American Literature Since 9/11 are the most comprehensive studies of 9/11 fiction to date. As surveys of 9/11 fiction, they provide useful entry points to discussions on 9/11 political and trauma discourse, but they do not adequately address the complex workings of political trauma and space in the novels of interest to this study.
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