Naked Economics: Undressing the Dismal Science pdfdrive com

standards, India has relatively good government institutions. In Somalia, these

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kinds of disputes are not resolved in the courts.
All the while, government enforces antitrust laws that forbid companies from
conspiring together in ways that erase the benefits of competition. Having three
airlines that secretly collude when setting fares is no better than having one
slovenly monopoly. The bottom line is that all these institutions form the tracks
on which capitalism runs. Thomas Friedman, foreign affairs columnist for the
New York Times, once made this point in a column. “Do you know how much
your average Russian would give for a week of [the U.S. Department of Justice]
busting Russia’s oligarchs and monopolists?” he queried.
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He pointed out that
with many of the world’s economies plagued by endemic corruption, particularly
in the developing world, he has found that foreigners often envy us for…hold on
to your latte here…our Washington bureaucrats; “that is, our institutions, our
courts, our bureaucracy, our military, and our regulatory agencies—the SEC, the
Federal Reserve, the FAA, the FDA, the FBI, the EPA, the IRS, the INS, the
U.S. Patent Office and the Federal Emergency Management Agency.”
The government has another crucial role: It provides a wide array of goods,
so-called “public goods,” that make us better off but would not otherwise be
provided by the private sector. Suppose I decide to buy an antimissile system to
protect myself from missiles lobbed by rogue nations. (It would be similar to the
DirecTV satellite dish, only a lot more expensive.) I ask my neighbor Etienne if
he would like to share the cost of this system; he says no, knowing full well that
my missile defense will shield his house from any missiles that North Korea may
send our way. Etienne, and most of my other neighbors, have a powerful
incentive to be “free riders” on my system. At the same time, I do not want to
pay the full cost of the system myself. In the end, we get no missile defense
system even though it might have made us all better off.
Public goods have two salient characteristics. First, the cost of offering the
good to additional users—even thousands or millions of people—is very low or
even zero. Think of that missile defense system; if I pay to knock terrorist
missiles out of the sky, the millions of people who live relatively close to me in
the Chicago metropolitan area get that benefit free. The same is true of a radio
signal or a lighthouse or a large park; once it is operational for one person, it can
serve thousands more at no extra cost. Second, it is very hard, if not impossible,
to exclude persons who have not paid for the good from using it. How exactly do
you tell a ship’s captain that he can’t use a lighthouse? Do you make him close
his eyes as he sails by? (“Attention USS Britannica: You are peeking!”) I once
had a professor at Princeton who began his lecture on public goods by saying,
“Okay, who are the suckers who actually contribute to public radio?”
Free riders can cripple enterprises. Author Stephen King once attempted an

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experiment in which he offered his new novel directly to readers via the Internet.
The plan was that he would offer monthly installments for readers to download
in exchange for a $1 payment based on the honor system. He warned that the
story would fold if fewer than 75 percent of readers made the voluntary
payment. “If you pay, the story rolls. If you don’t, it folds,” he wrote on the
website. The outcome was sadly predictable to economists who have studied
these kinds of problems. The story folded. At the time “The Plant” went into
hibernation, only 46 percent of readers had paid to download the last chapter
offered.
That is the basic problem if public goods are left to private enterprise. Firms
cannot force consumers to pay for these kinds of goods, no matter how much
utility they may derive from them or how often they use them. (Remember the
lighthouse.) And any system of voluntary payments falls prey to the free riders.
Think about the following:
Basic research. We have already discussed the powerful incentives that
profits create for pharmaceutical companies and the like. But not all
important scientific discoveries have immediate commercial applications.
Exploring the universe or understanding how human cells divide or seeking
subatomic particles may be many steps removed from launching a
communications satellite or developing a drug that shrinks tumors or
finding a cleaner source of energy. As important, this kind of research must
be shared freely with other scientists in order to maximize its value. In other
words, you won’t get rich—or even cover your costs in most cases—by
generating knowledge that may someday significantly advance the human
condition. Most of America’s basic research is done either directly by the
government at places like NASA and the National Institutes for Health or at
research universities, which are nonprofit institutions that receive federal
funding.
Law enforcement. There is no shortage of private security firms—“rent-a-
cops” as we used to call them in college as they aggressively sought out
twenty-year-old beer drinkers. But there is a limit to what they can or will
do. They will only defend your property against some kind of trespass.
They will not proactively seek out criminals who might someday break into
your house; they will not track Mexican drug kingpins or stop felons from
entering the country or solve other crimes so that the perpetrator does not
eventually attack you. All of these things would make you and your

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property safer in the long run, but they have inherent free rider problems. If
I pay for this kind of security, everyone else in the country benefits at no
cost. Everywhere in the world, most kinds of law enforcement are
undertaken by government.
Parks and open space. Chicago’s lakefront is the city’s greatest asset. For
some thirty miles along Lake Michigan, there are parks and beaches owned
by the city and protected from private development. If this is the best use of
the land, which I firmly believe it is, then why wouldn’t a private
landowner use it for the same purposes? After all, we’ve just stipulated that
private ownership of an asset ensures that it will be put to its most
productive use. If I owned thirty miles of lakefront, why couldn’t I charge
bicyclists and roller bladers and picnickers in order to make a healthy profit
on my investment? Two reasons: First, it would be a logistical nightmare to
patrol such a large area and charge admission. More important, many of the
people who value an open lakefront don’t actually use it. They may enjoy
the view from the window of a high-rise apartment or as they drive along
Lake Shore Drive. A private developer would never collect anything from
these people and would therefore undervalue the open space. This is true
for many of America’s natural resources. You have probably never been to
Prince William Sound in Alaska and may never go there. Yet you almost
certainly cared when the huge oil tanker Exxon Valdez ran aground and
despoiled the area. Government can make us collectively better off by
protecting these kinds of resources.
Obviously not all collective endeavors require the hand of government.
Wikipedia is a pretty handy resource, even for those who don’t make voluntary
contributions to keep it up and running. Every school, church, and neighborhood
has a group of eager beavers who do more than their fair share to provide
important public benefits, to the great benefit of a much larger group of free
riders. Those examples notwithstanding, there are compelling reasons to believe
that society would underinvest in things that would make us better off without
some kind of mechanism to force cooperation. As much as I love the spirit of
Wikipedia, I’m comfortable leaving counterterrorism in the hands of the FBI—
the government institution we’ve created (and pay for with taxes) to act on our
behalf.
Government redistributes wealth. We collect taxes from some citizens and
provide benefits to others. Contrary to popular opinion, most government
benefits do not go to the poor; they go to the middle class in the form of

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Medicare and Social Security. Still, government has the legal authority to play
Robin Hood; other governments around the world, such as the European
countries, do so quite actively. What does economics have to say about this? Not
much, unfortunately. The most important questions related to income
distribution require philosophical or ideological answers, not economic ones.
Consider the following question: Which would be a better state of the world, one
in which every person in America earned $25,000—enough to cover the basic
necessities—or the status quo, in which some Americans are wildly rich, some
are desperately poor, and the average income is somewhere around $48,000?
The latter describes a bigger economic pie; the former would be a smaller pie
more evenly divided.
Economics does not provide the tools for answering philosophical questions
related to income distribution. For example, economists cannot prove that taking
a dollar forcibly from Steve Jobs and giving it to a starving child would improve
overall social welfare. Most people intuitively believe that to be so, but it is
theoretically possible that Steve Jobs would lose more utility from having the
dollar taken from him than the starving child would gain. This is an extreme
example of a more general problem: We measure our well-being in terms of
utility, which is a theoretical concept, not a measurement tool that can be
quantified, compared among individuals, or aggregated for the nation. We
cannot say, for example, that Candidate A’s tax plan would generate 120 units of
utility for the nation while Candidate B’s tax plan would generate only 111.
Consider the following question posed by Amartya Sen, winner of the 1998
Nobel Prize in Economics.
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Three men have come to you looking for work.
You have only one job to offer; the work cannot be divided among the three of
them and they are all equally qualified. One of your goals is to make the world a
better place by hiring the man who needs the job the most.
The first man is the poorest of the three. If improving human welfare is your
primary aim, then presumably he should get the job. Or maybe not. The second
man is not the poorest, but he is the unhappiest because he has only recently
become poor and he is not accustomed to the deprivation. Offering him the job
will cause the greatest gain in happiness.
The third man is neither the poorest nor the unhappiest. But he has a chronic
health problem, borne stoically for his whole life, that can be cured with the
wages from the job. Thus, giving him the job would have the most profound
effect on an individual’s quality of life.
Who should get the job? As would be expected of a Nobel Prize winner, Mr.
Sen has many interesting things to say about this dilemma. But the bottom line is
that there is no right answer. The same thing is true—contrary to what politicians

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on both sides of the political spectrum will tell you—with issues related to the
redistribution of wealth in a modern economy. Will a tax increase that funds a
better safety net for the poor but lowers overall economic growth make the
country better off? That is a matter of opinion, not economic expertise. (Note
that every presidential administration is able to find very qualified economists to
support its ideological positions.) Liberals (in the American sense of the word)
often ignore the fact that a growing pie, even if unequally divided, will almost
always make even the small pieces larger. The developing world needs
economic growth (to which international trade contributes heavily) to make the
poor better off. Period. One historical reality is that government policies that
ostensibly serve the poor can be ineffective or even counterproductive if they
hobble the broader economy.
Meanwhile, conservatives often blithely assume that we should all rush out
into the street and cheer for any policy that makes the economy grow faster,
neglecting the fact that there are perfectly legitimate intellectual grounds for
supporting other policies, such as protecting the environment or redistributing
income, that may diminish the overall size of the pie. Indeed, some evidence
suggests that our sense of well-being is determined at least as much by our
relative wealth as it is by our absolute level of wealth. In other words, we derive
utility not just from having a big television but from having a television that is as
big as or bigger than the neighbors.’
Then there is one of the most controversial questions of all: Should
government protect people from themselves? Should society expend resources to
stop you from doing stupid things that don’t affect the rest of us? Or is that your
business? The most important thing to realize is that the answer to this question
is philosophical; the best economics can do is frame the range of defensible
views. At one end of the continuum is the belief that individuals are rational (or
at least more rational than government), meaning that individual citizens are the
best judge of what is good for them, not the rest of us. If you like to sniff glue
and then roll backward down the basement steps, good for you. Just make sure
that you pay all your own health care costs and don’t drive a car after you’ve
been into the glue.
The behavioral economists have provided plenty of ammunition for the
opposite end of the continuum, where reasonable people argue that society can
and should stop people from doing things that are likely to turn out badly. We
have good evidence that human decision making is prone to certain kinds of
errors, such as underestimating risk or planning poorly for the future. As a
practical matter, those mistakes often do spill over to affect the rest of us, as we
saw in the real estate collapse and the accompanying mortgage mess.

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And there is a range of views in between (e.g., you’re allowed to sniff glue
and roll down the steps but only while wearing a helmet). One intriguing and
practical middle ground is the notion of “libertarian paternalism,” which was
advanced in an influential book called Nudge by Richard Thaler, a professor of
behavioral science and economics at the University of Chicago, and Cass
Sunstein, a Harvard Law School professor now serving in the Obama
administration. The idea behind benign paternalism is that individuals do make
systematic errors of judgment, but society should not force you to change your
behavior (that’s the libertarian part); instead, we should merely point you in the
right direction (that’s the paternalism part).
One of Thaler and Sunstein’s key insights is that our decisions are often a
product of inertia. If our employer automatically signs us up for some kind of
insurance coverage, then we’ll stick with that, even if six other plans are offered.
Conversely, we may not sign up for any plan at all if it requires some proactive
behavior on our part—reading a benefits manual, filling out a form, going to a
stupid human resources seminar, or doing anything else that involves time and
effort. Thaler and Sunstein propose that inertia (and other decision-making
foibles) can be used to some advantage. If policymakers are concerned about
some individual behavior, such as inadequate retirement savings, then the
libertarian paternalistic option is to make the default option one that
automatically puts a decent amount of money from every paycheck into a
retirement account. That’s the “nudge.” Anyone is free to choose another option
at any time. But a shockingly high proportion of people will stay wherever you
put them in the first place.
This idea has profound implications when it comes to something like organ
donation. Spain, France, Norway, Israel, and many other countries have “opt-
out” (or presumed consent) laws when it comes to organ donation. You are an
organ donor unless you indicate otherwise, which you are free to do. (In contrast,
the United States has an “opt-in” system, meaning that you are not an organ
donor unless you sign up to be one.) Inertia matters, even when it comes to
something as serious as organ donation. Economists have found that presumed
consent laws have a significant positive effect on organ donation, controlling for
relevant country characteristics such as religion and health expenditures. Spain
has the highest rate of cadaveric organ donations in the world—50 percent
higher than the United States.
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True libertarians (as opposed to the paternalistic
kind) reject presumed consent laws, because they imply that the government
“owns” your internal organs until you make some effort to get them back.

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Good government matters. The more sophisticated our economy becomes, the
more sophisticated our government institutions need to be. The Internet is a
perfect example. The private sector is the engine of growth for the web
economy, but it is the government that roots out fraud, makes on-line
transactions legally binding, sorts out property rights (such as domain names),
settles disputes, and deals with issues that we have not even thought about yet.
One sad irony of September 11 was that one simple-minded view of
government—that “taxpayers know better what to do with their money than the
government does”—was exposed for its hollowness. Individual taxpayers cannot
gather intelligence, track down a fugitive in the mountains of Afghanistan, do
research on bioterrorism, or protect planes and airports. It is true that if the
government takes money out of my paycheck, then there are things that would
have given me utility that I can no longer buy. But it is also true that there are
things that would make me better off that I cannot buy for myself. I cannot build
a missile defense system, or protect endangered species, or stop global warming,
or install traffic lights, or regulate the New York Stock Exchange, or negotiate
lower trade barriers with China. Government enables us to work collectively to
do those things.

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