SUPPORT THE DIGNITY OF INDIVIDUALS:
We support,
with our words and actions, those who live under
oppressive regimes and who seek freedom, indi-
vidual dignity, and the rule of law. We are under
no obligation to offer the benefits of our free and
prosperous community to repressive regimes and
human rights abusers. We may use diplomacy,
sanctions, and other tools to isolate states and lead-
ers who threaten our interests and whose actions
run contrary to our values. We will not remain
silent in the face of evil. We will hold perpetra-
tors of genocide and mass atrocities accountable.
DEFEAT TRANSNATIONAL TERRORIST ORGANIZATIONS:
There can be no greater action to advance the
rights of individuals than to defeat jihadist terror-
ists and other groups that foment hatred and use
violence to advance their supremacist Islamist ide-
ologies. We will continue to join with other states to
defeat this scourge of all civilized peoples.
E M P OW E R WO M E N A N D YO U T H :
Societies that
empower women to participate fully in civic and
economic life are more prosperous and peace-
ful. We will support efforts to advance wom-
en’s equality, protect the rights of women and
girls, and promote women and youth empower-
ment programs.
P R O T E C T R E L I G I O U S F R E E D O M A N D R E L I G I O U S
MINORITIES:
We will advocate on behalf of religious
freedom and threatened minorities. Religious
minorities continue to be victims of violence. We
will place a priority on protecting these groups
and will continue working with regional partners
to protect minority communities from attacks
and to preserve their cultural heritage.
REDUCE HUMAN SUFFERING:
Th e United States will
continue to lead the world in humanitarian assis-
tance. Even as we expect others to share respon-
sibility, the United States will continue to cata-
lyze international responses to man-made and
natural disasters and provide our expertise and
capabilities to those in need. We will support
food security and health programs that save lives
and address the root cause of hunger and dis-
ease. We will support displaced people close to
their homes to help meet their needs until they
can safely and voluntarily return home.
45
The Strategy
in a Regional Context
The United States must tailor our approaches to different regions of the
world to protect U.S. national interests. We require integrated regional strat-
egies that appreciate the nature and magnitude of threats, the intensity of
competitions, and the promise of available opportunities, all in the context
of local political, economic, social, and historical realities.
C
hanges in a regional balance of power can
have global consequences and threaten
U.S. interests. Markets, raw materi-
als, lines of communication, and human capital
are located within, or move among, key regions
of the world. China and Russia aspire to proj-
ect power worldwide, but they interact most with
their neighbors. North Korea and Iran also pose
the greatest menace to those closest to them. But,
as destructive weapons proliferate and regions
become more interconnected, threats become
more difficult to contain. And regional balances
that shift against the United States could combine
to threaten our security.
The United States must marshal the will and
capabilities to compete and prevent unfavorable
shifts in the Indo-Pacific, Europe, and the Middle
East. Sustaining favorable balances of power will
require a strong commitment and close cooper-
ation with allies and partners because allies and
partners magnify U.S. power and extend U.S. infl u-
ence. They share our interests and responsibility
for resisting authoritarian trends, contesting radi-
cal ideologies, and deterring aggression.
In other regions of the world, instability and weak
governance threaten U.S. interests. Some gov-
ernments are unable to maintain security and
meet the basic needs of their people, making
their country and citizens vulnerable to preda-
tors. Terrorists and criminals thrive where gov-
ernments are weak, corruption is rampant, and
faith in government institutions is low. Strategic
competitors often exploit rather than discour-
age corruption and state weakness to extract
resources and exploit their populations.
Regions afflicted by instability and weak govern-
ments also offer opportunities to improve secu-
rity , promote prosperity , and restore hope. Aspiring
partner states across the developing world want
to improve their societies, build transparent and
eff ective governments, confront non-state threats,
and strengthen their sovereignty. Many recog-
nize the opportunities offered by market econo-
mies and political liberties and are eager for part-
nership with the United States and our allies. Th e
United States will encourage aspiring partners as
they undertake reforms and pursue their aspira-
tions. States that prosper and nations that tran-
sition from recipients of development assistance
to trading partners offer economic opportunities
for American businesses. And stability reduces
threats that target Americans at home.
Indo-Pacifi c
A geopolitical competition between free and
repressive visions of world order is taking place in
the Indo-Pacifi c region. Th e region, which stretches
N A T I O N A L S E C U R I T Y S T R A T E G Y
46
from the west coast of India to the western shores
of the United States, represents the most populous
and economically dynamic part of the world. The
U.S. interest in a free and open Indo-Pacifi c extends
back to the earliest days of our republic.
Although the United States seeks to continue to
cooperate with China, China
is using economic induce-
ments and penalties, inf lu-
ence operations, and implied
military threats to persuade
other states to heed its political
and security agenda. China’s
infrastructure investments
and trade strategies reinforce
its geopolitical aspirations.
Its efforts to build and mili-
tarize outposts in the South
China Sea endanger the free
fl ow of trade, threaten the sov-
ereignty of other nations, and
undermine regional stabil-
ity. China has mounted a rapid military modern-
ization campaign designed to limit U.S. access to
the region and provide China a freer hand there.
China presents its ambitions as mutually ben-
eficial, but Chinese dominance risks diminish-
ing the sovereignty of many states in the Indo-
Pacific. States throughout the region are calling
for sustained U.S. leadership in a collective
response that upholds a regional order respect-
ful of sovereignty and independence.
In Northeast Asia, the North Korean regime is
rapidly accelerating its cyber, nuclear, and bal-
listic missile programs. North Korea’s pur-
suit of these weapons poses a global threat that
requires a global response. Continued provo-
cations by North Korea will prompt neighbor-
ing countries and the United States to further
strengthen security bonds and take additional
measures to protect themselves. And a nucle-
ar-armed North Korea could lead to the prolif-
eration of the world’s most destructive weapons
across the Indo-Pacifi c region and beyond.
U.S. allies are critical to responding to mutual
threats, such as North Korea, and preserving our
mutual interests in the Indo-Pacific region. Our
alliance and friendship with South Korea, forged
by the trials of history, is stron-
ger than ever. We welcome
and support the strong lead-
ership role of our critical ally,
Japan. Australia has fought
alongside us in every signif-
icant conf lict since World
War I, and continues to rein-
force economic and security
arrangements that support our
shared interests and safeguard
democratic va lues across
the region. New Zealand is
a key U.S. partner contrib-
uting to peace and security
across the region. We welcome
India’s emergence as a leading global power and
stronger strategic and defense partner. We will
seek to increase quadrilateral cooperation with
Japan, Australia, and India.
In Southeast Asia, the Philippines and Thailand
rema in importa nt a llies a nd ma rkets for
Americans. Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, and
Singapore are growing security and economic
partners of the United States. The Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and Asia-Pacifi c
Economic Cooperation (APEC) remain centerpieces
of the Indo-Pacifi c’s regional architecture and plat-
forms for promoting an order based on freedom.
Priority Actions
POLITICAL:
Our vision for the Indo-Pacifi c excludes
no nation. We will redouble our commitment to
established alliances and partnerships, while
expanding and deepening relationships with new
Sustaining favorable balances
of power will require a
strong commitment and close
cooperation with allies and
partners because allies and
partners magnify U.S. power
and extend U.S. infl uence.
47
T H E S T R A T E G Y I N A R E G I O N A L C O N T E X T
partners that share respect for sovereignty , fair and
reciprocal trade, and the rule of law. We will rein-
force our commitment to freedom of the seas and
the peaceful resolution of territorial and maritime
disputes in accordance with international law.
We will work with allies and partners to achieve
complete, verifiable, and irreversible denuclear-
ization on the Korean Peninsula and preserve
the non-proliferation regime in Northeast Asia.
ECON OM IC:
The United States will encourage
regional cooperation to maintain free and open
seaways, transparent infrastructure financing
practices, unimpeded commerce, and the peace-
ful resolution of disputes. We will pursue bilateral
trade agreements on a fair and reciprocal basis. We
will seek equal and reliable access for American
exports. We will work with partners to build a net-
work of states dedicated to free markets and pro-
tected from forces that would subvert their sover-
eignty . We will strengthen cooperation with allies
on high-quality infrastructure. Working with
Australia and New Zealand, we will shore up frag-
ile partner states in the Pacific Islands region to
reduce their vulnerability to economic fluctu-
ations and natural disasters.
MILITARY AND SECURITY:
We will maintain a forward
military presence capable of deterring and, if nec-
essary, defeating any adversary. We will strengthen
our long-standing military relationships and
encourage the development of a strong defense net-
work with our allies and partners. For example,
we will cooperate on missile defense with Japan
and South Korea to move toward an area defense
capability . We remain ready to respond with over-
whelming force to North Korean aggression and
will improve options to compel denuclearization
of the peninsula. We will improve law enforce-
ment, defense, and intelligence cooperation with
Southeast Asian partners to address the growing
terrorist threat. We will maintain our strong ties
with Taiwan in accordance with our “One China”
policy, including our commitments under the
Taiwan Relations Act to provide for Taiwan’s legit-
imate defense needs and deter coercion. We will
expand our defense and security cooperation with
India, a Major Defense Partner of the United States,
and support India’s growing relationships through-
out the region. We will re-energize our alliances
with the Philippines and Th ailand and strengthen
our partnerships with Singapore, Vietnam,
Indonesia, Malaysia, and others to help them
become cooperative maritime partners.
Europe
A strong and free Europe is of vital importance to
the United States. We are bound together by our
shared commitment to the principles of democracy,
individual liberty , and the rule of law. Together, we
rebuilt Western Europe after World War II and cre-
ated institutions that produced stability and wealth
on both sides of the Atlantic. Today, Europe is one
of the most prosperous regions in the world and
our most signifi cant trading partner.
Although the menace of Soviet communism is
gone, new threats test our will. Russia is using
subversive measures to weaken the credibil-
ity of America’s commitment to Europe, under-
mine transatlantic unity, and weaken European
institutions and governments. With its inva-
sions of Georgia and Ukraine, Russia demon-
strated its willingness to violate the sovereignty
of states in the region. Russia continues to intim-
idate its neighbors with threatening behavior,
such as nuclear posturing and the forward deploy-
ment of offensive capabilities.
China is gaining a strategic foothold in Europe by
expanding its unfair trade practices and invest-
ing in key industries, sensitive technologies, and
infrastructure. Europe also faces immediate
threats from violent Islamist extremists. Attacks
by ISIS and other jihadist groups in Spain, France,
Germany, Belgium, the United Kingdom, and
N A T I O N A L S E C U R I T Y S T R A T E G Y
48
other countries show that our European partners
continue to face serious threats. Instability in the
Middle East and Africa has triggered the movement
of millions of migrants and refugees into Europe,
exacerbating instability and tensions in the region.
Th e United States is safer when Europe is prosper-
ous and stable, and can help defend our shared
interests and ideals. The United States remains
fi rmly committ ed to our European allies and part-
ners. The NATO alliance of free and sovereign
states is one of our great advantages over our com-
petitors, and the United States remains commit-
ted to Article V of the Washington Treaty .
European allies and partners increase our strate-
gic reach and provide access to forward basing and
overflight rights for global operations. Together
we confront shared threats. European nations
are contributing thousands of troops to help fi ght
jihadist terrorists in Afghanistan, stabilize Iraq,
and fight terrorist organizations across Africa
and the greater Middle East.
Th e NATO alliance will become stronger when all
members assume greater responsibility for and
pay their fair share to protect our mutual interests,
sovereignty, and values.
Priority Actions
POLITICAL:
Th e United States will deepen collabora-
tion with our European allies and partners to con-
front forces threatening to undermine our com-
mon values, security interests, and shared vision.
The United States and Europe will work together
to counter Russian subversion and aggression,
and the threats posed by North Korea and Iran.
We will continue to advance our shared princi-
ples and interests in international forums.
ECONOMIC:
The United States will work with the
European Union, and bilaterally with the United
Kingdom and other states, to ensure fair and recip-
rocal trade practices and eliminate barriers to
growth. We will encourage European foreign direct
investment in the United States to create jobs. We
will work with our allies and partners to diver-
sify European energy sources to ensure the energy
security of European countries. We will work
with our partners to contest China’s unfair trade
and economic practices and restrict its acquisi-
tion of sensitive technologies.
MILITARY AND SECURIT Y:
The United States ful-
fills our defense responsibilities and expects oth-
ers to do the same. We expect our European allies
to increase defense spending to 2 percent of gross
domestic product by 2024, with 20 percent of this
spending devoted to increasing military capa-
bilities. On NATO’s eastern flank we will con-
tinue to strengthen deterrence and defense, and
catalyze frontline allies and partners’ efforts
to better defend themselves. We will work with
NATO to improve its integrated air and mis-
sile defense capabilities to counter existing and
projected ballistic and cruise missile threats,
particularly from Iran. We will increase counter-
terrorism and cybersecurity cooperation.
Middle East
The United States seeks a Middle East that is
not a safe haven or breeding ground for jihadist
terrorists, not dominated by any power hostile to
the United States, and that contributes to a stable
global energy market.
For years, the interconnected problems of Iranian
expansion, state collapse, jihadist ideology,
socio-economic stagnation, and regional rival-
ries have convulsed the Middle East. The United
States has learned that neither aspirations for dem-
ocratic transformation nor disengagement can
insulate us from the region’s problems. We must
be realistic about our expectations for the region
without allowing pessimism to obscure our inter-
ests or vision for a modern Middle East.
49
T H E S T R A T E G Y I N A R E G I O N A L C O N T E X T
Th e region remains home to the world’s most dan-
gerous terrorist organizations. ISIS and al-Qa’ida
thrive on instability and export violent jihad. Iran,
the world’s leading state sponsor of terrorism, has
taken advantage of instability to expand its influ-
ence through partners and proxies, weapon prolif-
eration, and funding. It continues to develop more
capable ballistic missiles and intelligence capa-
bilities, and it undertakes malicious cyber activ-
ities. These activities have continued unabated
since the 2015 nuclear deal. Iran continues to per-
petuate the cycle of violence in the region, caus-
ing grievous harm to civilian populations. Rival
states are filling vacuums created by state col-
lapse and prolonged regional conflict.
Despite these challenges, there are emerging
opportunities to advance American interests in
the Middle East. Some of our partners are working
together to reject radical ideologies, and key lead-
ers are calling for a rejection of Islamist extrem-
ism and violence. Encouraging
political stability and sustain-
able prosperity would contrib-
ute to dampening the conditions
that fuel sectarian grievances.
Fo r g e n e r a t i o n s t h e c o n -
f lict between Israel and the
Palestinians has been under-
stood as the prime irrita nt
preventing peace a nd pros-
perity in the region. Today,
the threats from jihadist ter-
rorist organizations and the
threat from Iran are creating the realization that
Israel is not the cause of the region’s problems.
States have increasingly found common inter-
ests with Israel in confronting common threats.
Today, the United States has the opportunity to
catalyze greater economic and political cooper-
ation that will expand prosperity for those who
want to partner with us. By revitalizing partner-
ships with reform-minded nations and encour-
aging cooperation among partners in the region,
the United States can promote stability and a bal-
ance of power that favors U.S. interests.
Priority Actions
POLITICAL:
We will strengthen partnerships, and
form new ones, to help advance security through
stability. Whenever possible, we will encourage
gradual reforms. We will support eff orts to counter
violent ideologies and increase respect for the dig-
nity of individuals. We remain committ ed to help-
ing our partners achieve a stable and prosperous
region, including through a strong and integrated
Gulf Cooperation Council. We will strengthen our
long-term strategic partnership with Iraq as an
independent state. We will seek a sett lement to the
Syrian civil war that sets the conditions for refu-
gees to return home and rebuild their lives in safety .
We will work with partners to deny the Iranian
regime all paths to a nuclear
weapon and neutralize Iranian
malign inf luence. We remain
committed to helping facilitate
a comprehensive peace agree-
ment that is acceptable to both
Israelis and Palestinians.
E CO N O M I C :
The United States
will support the reforms under-
way that begin to address core
inequities that jihadist terror-
ists exploit. We will encourage
states in the region, including
Egypt and Saudi Arabia, to continue moderniz-
ing their economies. We will play a role in catalyz-
ing positive developments by engaging economi-
cally, supporting reformers, and championing the
benefits of open markets and societies.
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