When all the benefits and costs of globalization are taken into consideration, for some it is a process that should be supported while for others it should be avoided. In this part advocate and opponent institutions and ideas are analyzed.
3.1. Advocates of Globalization: Neo-Liberal View
Established in Sweden as a non-profit organization World Economic Forum (WEF) is independent and international which was first designed by a group of businessmen in January 1971 with the leadership of European Commission and European Industrial Associations. It was founded as European Management Forum in Geneva, Sweden. However, the collapse of Bretton Woods fixed exchange rate system in 1973 and the Arab-Israel enlarged the focus of these meetings from management to economic and social issues and political leaders were invited to Davos in January 1974. European Management Forum changed its name as World Economic Forum in 1987 and tried to enlarge its vision in order to solve international conflicts.
Organization endeavors for a worldwide governance system which is based on not only the rules but also on values. Its motto is “entrepreneurship in the global public interest”. Its members (1000 largest firms that have global activities, rank among top companies within their industry and/or country and have a leading role in shaping the future of their industry and/or region and 200 relatively small firms from developing countries) believe that without economic development, social development is infeasible and vice versa.
The organization’s vision has 3 dimensions. These are:
Strategic foresights in a world characterized as complex, fragile and synchronized can not be achieved passively. These foresights can be achieved through continuous interaction with partners and those who are best informed in their fields of study.
Therefore in order to realize its mission the WEF formed an integrated value chain through the inclusion of world leaders into the communities, inspiring them with strategic foresights and evoking them with initiatives.
Another globalization advocate is the Washington Consensus which was initiated in 1989 by John Williamson in order to support the countries that had experienced crisis through Washington D.C. based institutions such as the IMF, the World Bank (WB) and the US Department of Treasury and that comprises of ten special economic policy recommendations (fiscal policy discipline, redistribution of public expenditures, tax reform, marked-determined interest rate, competitive exchange rate, trade liberalization, FDI inflow liberalization, privatization, elimination of restrictive terms and the protection of property rights) that are taught to be a “standard” reform package.
Since its initiation, the concept “Washington Consensus” has attained a second meaning that is sometimes called neo-liberalism or market fundamentalism where markets have bigger roles while governments have limited roles.
Especially with this second and broader formulation Washington Consensus has been the target of individuals and groups’ tough criticisms seeing it as the way to open less developed countries to MNCs and the investments of their owners in the first world economies.
These criticisms often refer to 1999-2002 Argentina economic crises where they think the policies of Washington Consensus are defective because Argentina applied most of the policies recommended by the Consensus.
Many trade liberalization critics like Noam Chomsky, Susan George and Naomi Klein denote the Washington Consensus as the gate of exploitation of the labor markets of under-developed countries by the firms of developed countries. The decreases in the tariffs and trade restrictions let the free movement of goods according to market among countries, but because of tight visa applications labor does not move freely. This creates an economic climate that goods are produced in under developed countries with low labor cost and then exported to prosperous first world economies with high mark-ups taken by MNCs. Criticisms claim that the workers in the third world economies are poor; although they take higher wages than the ones before trade liberalization, these wages are melting with inflation. While the owners of MNCs get richer, the workers in the first world economies become unemployed.
Some criticisms or all of them are denied by the advocates of Washington Consensus as a result of some realizations. For example the inflation rates are at its lowest level in recent years. Workers of the factories established by foreign capital earn more and have better working conditions than those working in domestic firms. In most countries of Latin America the economic growth is at its highest levels and the debt services are at its lowest level relative to the economy. Despite these macroeconomic developments, poverty and inequality are high in Latin America. Nearly 2 people out of 3 have daily incomes below $2. Again one third of the population lacks electricity and sanitation and presumably 10 million children suffer from malnutrition.