is now a more equitable representation of women, although not yet among the
highest ranks. But merely counting the different numbers of men and women
and celebrating change is not sufficient. What is more important, at least for
intellectual effort, has been the transformation of academic discourses – that
wholesale critique and dismantling of the theoretical propositions that lay behind
the invisibility of women’s lives across the sciences, social sciences and the
humanities.
As feminist scholars have argued, the ungendered notion of the rational
individual in the social sciences and humanities (Pateman and Grosz 1986) and
unlocated theory – what Haraway (1991) termed the ‘view from nowhere’ – have
excluded women and women’s lives from academic consideration. This view from
nowhere in fact reflects the life world of the powerful and excludes daily life, the
home and the politics of reproduction from the subject matter of the social
sciences and the humanities on the assumption than these are merely trivial and
local issues, unimportant in the grander scheme of things, than is the ‘public’ worlds
of men. This critique is well known and largely accepted but has diffused into
different sub-arenas of geography at differential rates. It has perhaps been in
economic geography (and economics) that the impact of feminist scholarship and
its methodological consequences has been slowest to be felt. This is not to deny
the valiant efforts of a significant number of feminist economists in the US and
the UK (see for example Bergman 1990; Blau and Ferber 1992; Donath 2000;
Ferber and Nelson 1993; Folbre 1994; Folbre 2001; Folbre and Nelson 2000;
Gardiner 1997; Humphries 1995; Jacobsen 1994; Milkman 1987; Milkman and
Townsley 1994; Nelson 1992; Waring 1988) who have challenged the assumptions
of their discipline and added new substantive issues, such as caring, to its agenda.
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