The XXXVI International Scientific Symposium "Multidisciplinary Studies of the Turkish World" The 25 th of March 2023 ISBN: 978-605-72481-0-7 Eskishehir / Türkiye ---166---
Politics", where Wendt notes that social reality is shaped by people and therefore can change at any time
(Wendt, 1992, p.46).
Turkish researcher Bülent Aras puts much emphasis on the analysis of social-constructivism in his
work "Turkey and the Greater Middle East". He notes that culture, identity and norms have an important weight
in the state's foreign policy. According to him, states should be viewed not as single and homogeneous actors,
but as social institutions. The values within a state shape its identity, and identity shapes the state's interests
and foreign policy. For this reason, according to Bülent Aras, it is important to consider the identity and belief
of the elite class at the head of the state in order to understand Turkey's foreign policy. Bülent Aras paid special
attention to four dominant identities in Turkey (Aras, 2004, p.18):
1.
Kemalist or official identity
2.
Islamist identity
3.
Nationalist identity
4.
Conservative identity
According to B. Aras the current AKP leadership in Turkey mainly represents Islamist identity which
replaced Kemalist identity in the beginning of 2000s. Nevertheless, solely Islamism is not sufficient to explain
Foreign Policy of Turkey during the AKP leadership. It is not enough to conduct a foreign policy based only
on national, religious or Kemalist identity in order to have mechanisms to influence the Middle East region.
Therefore, it is important to consider the concept of "New-Ottomanism", which includes different identities.
The AKP party that gained majority of the votes during the 2002 elections, and thus came to power,
was guided by the principle of "New Ottomanism" in foreign policy, which was based on the concept of
"Strategic depth" of former Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu. The AKP showed a tendency to pursue
a more active policy in order to increase Turkey’s influence in the Middle East region. A. Davutoglu
emphasized in his book "Strategic Depth" that Turkey should establish close relations with the states of the
Middle East, the Balkans, the Caucasus and Central Asia, most of which were once part of the Ottoman Empire,
and to implement a multidimensional foreign policy based on a new identity in order to restore its authority in
the region. This new identity combines democratic and western values, Islamic, cultural and ethnic elements.
In other words, this means that Turkey is able to develop relations with Central Asia and the Caucasus region
based on ethnic and cultural elements, relations with Middle Eastern states based on religious elements, and
relations with the Balkans with a policy based on western values, and therefore Turkey should take advantage
of these opportunities to pursue a policy of opening up to the mentioned states. Davutoğlu writes in his book
"Strategic Depth": "It is geographically impossible for Turkey, which is located on the central line of the
world's most strategic position in the north-south and east-west directions, to be closed in (Davutoğlu, 2001,
p.256).
To understand more deeply the concept of "New Ottomanism" and the role of this concept in Turkey's
Middle East policy, we will once again need the help of social-constructivism. As mentioned earlier, according
to social-constructivism, the ideas and values existing within the state shape the state's identity, whereas
identity shapes interests and foreign policy. This theory also states that identity is formed from the unity of
various ideas existing within society. In this sense, "New Ottomanism" can be seen as a set of islamic,
nationalist and liberal values. Many researchers link Turkey's increasing activity in the Middle East region,
especially during the AKP government, with this new identity. Based on this concept, it can be argued that, in
order for Turkey to increase its influence in the Arab world, it is necessary to conduct a foreign policy based
on the islamic identity, liberal western values are needed for the consolidation in the Balkans, and nationalist
identity is needed in order to have a say in the Caucasus and Central Asia. The concept of "New Ottomanism"
combines each of these three identities.
In my opinion, the main shortcoming of the theory of social-constructivism is that it does not take into
account the argument, that common values are not always important in interstate relations, and at the same
time social-constructivists do not pay much attention to the security factor. We can see this shortcoming of
social-constructivism in Azerbaijan-Iran relations. The Islamic Republic of Iran, which has more common
religious and cultural values with Azerbaijan, supports Armenia, that is hostile to Azerbaijan. Such policy
arises primarily from the threat of separatist movement by large number of Azerbaijanis living in Iran.
The Arab Spring of 2011 and subsequent events made Turkey reconsider its "New Ottomanism"
policy. The July 15 coup d’état attempt caused major changes not only in Turkey's domestic policy, but also
in its foreign policy. Turkey, which previously aimed to gain influence in the region by spreading democracy,
economic projects, and actively participating in solving interstate problems in the region, abandoned this
political course and began to pursue a policy aimed at solving its own problems in order to ensure its national
interests. Blaming the role of the United States in the July 15 incident, Turkey embarked on the path of alliance