18
◆
Understanding “Culture”
“culture is too global a concept to be meaning-
ful as an explanatory variable, however, and
should be replaced by its constituents” (p. 3).
Singelis et al. (1999) noted that cross-cultural
studies in psychology had often been criticized
precisely because culture was treated as a
single package, although it can be unraveled
into
numerous variables, any of which might
account for the observed differences between
the populations that a researcher has studied;
consequently, it is necessary to unpackage cul-
ture. Almost a decade later, Leung (2008) still
deemed it necessary to give the same advice:
“In other words, researchers need to unpack-
age culture into a set of elements.” (p. 60).
Treating culture as a single categorical
variable (for
instance, “American” versus
“Japanese”) and using it as an explanation for
any phenomenon is as pointless and confusing
as doing the same with other categorical vari-
ables, for instance, “man” versus “woman.” In
fact, these are identification labels, not factors
that can cause anything. If one finds any differ-
ence between a male population and a female
population
on a variable of interest, such as
aggressiveness, ascribing the difference to being
“male” versus “female” does not elucidate
anything about the nature of that difference.
Differences in aggression are not produced
by different labels but by differences in genes,
hormones, patterns of upbringing, and so on.
Only studies of such characteristics, expressed
as numerical variables,
can shed light on dif-
ferences in aggression or other phenomena
between individuals or groups.
2. The low status of the social sciences
was noted also by Magala (2005).
3. In his treatise on cross-cultural analy-
sis, Parker (1997) advocated controlling for
factors that are “(1) exogenous to the depen-
dent variable yet (2) independent to the theory
under study” (p. 13). It is needless to say that
selecting such factors would involve a lot of
subjectivity since any theory that is still in the
process of being studied empirically is inevi-
tably subjective.
Being aware of this problem,
Parker (1997) noted that each discipline within
the social sciences often treats the others’ vari-
ables as exogenous to their variables of interest.
4. Consider also the following statement
about personality factors by Paunonen et al.
(1996): “But those findings do not mean that
other factors, equally
real and equally impor-
tant, do not
exist, be it in North American,
European, or other cultures. The problem is
that people have yet to provide a convincing
search for those other factors. For a variety
of reasons having
to do not only with vari-
able selection but also with the methodology
of factor analysis . . . , it is our belief that
the number five is probably a lower bound to
the
true number of factors at this level of the
personality hierarchy” (p. 351, italics added).
The words
real, exist, search, and
true number
suggest that these authors see personality fac-
tors as having an existence of their own and an
unknown fixed number. These real factors are
lurking in the dark and waiting for researchers
to find them with appropriate search engines.
5. The following example can serve as an
illustration. Schwartz and Sagiv (1995)
demon-
strated that Schwartz’s value structure theory
was essentially supported at the individual
level throughout the countries from which
Schwartz’s samples were drawn. However,
Schwartz and Sagiv also published national
estimates of deviations from the hypothesized
structure. One such estimate—“deviations of
value locations” (Table 2, p. 99) correlates
with Hofstede’s individualism index as follows:
teachers’ samples
–.68** (
n = 24)
students’ samples
–.60** (
n = 26)
(Note: Here and throughout the book, **
stands for correlation significant at the .01
level; * stands for correlation
significant at the
.05 level.)
GLOBE’s in-group collectivism index (see
9.17.) yields positive correlations of a similar
magnitude with the deviation measures. This
demonstrates that although Schwartz’s theory
finds some universal empirical support, it is
closest to the value structures in the minds of
the respondents in the individualist nations.
As Schwartz’s project evolved from the work
of Milton Rokeach (Schwartz, 2011), it is not
surprising that a Western perspective can be
discerned in it.
Of note, Hofstede, Hofstede, and Minkov
(2010) acknowledged
that their perspective
was partly shaped by their Dutch and Bulgarian
backgrounds.