A comparative Analysis of John Foster Dulles and Henry A. Kissinger and the Impact Their Personalities Had on the Formulation of American Foreign Policy

party's nomination. Kissinger's only hope of serving the next President 
was if Hubert Humphrey beat Nixon. Kissinger was staunchly anti-Nixon. 
He referred to Nixon as a "disaster" and "not fit to be President". 
(Kalb, 1974, p. 16) Because he was so opposed to Nixon, he did not 
even consider the possibility that Nixon might ask Kissinger to serve 
him. 
But Nixon did invite Kissinger to his room gt the Hotel Pierre 
on November 25, 1968, after Nixon defeated Humphrey for the Presidency 
earlier that month. Nixon and Kissinger spoke for four hours on 
foreign policy issues. On November 27, Kissinger was offered the 
position of Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs. 
Kissinger was not sure he could accept, but one week later, after 
talking with Rockefeller and other friends, he did. Kissinger needed 

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52 
that week to reassess Nixon and to decide if he could work with this 
man of whom he was so critical. He could. Their discussions erased 
some prejudices both men had of each other and indicated that they 
held similar views on how foreign policy should be conducted. Both 
men distrusted the bureaucracy. They agreed that the Soviets should 
be brought in to negotiate an end to the Vietnam War. Triangular 
diplomacy with the Soviet Union and China was also likely. Kissinger 
would work with Nixon, not because he liked him personally, but because 
he would be at the center of power in foreign policy formation. 
It was not surprising that Kissinger took the job. What is sur­
prising is why Nixon offered it. In addition to their discussions, 
Nixon knew of and agreed with Kissinger's hard-line views as expressed 
in his several books and articles. Also, Nixon wanted to run foreign 
policy by himself, not through the State Department. Kissinger would 
be totally accessible to and dependent on Nixon and would serve him 
well as National Security Advisor, especially since both men shared a 
distrust of the bureaucracy. Whatever the other reasons may be, Nixon 
did ask Kissinger to serve him and Kissinger accepted. Kissinger, at 
the age of 45, thus began his first truly political career--a career 
which lasted 8 years in the service of two presidents in a period which 
was one of the most tumultuous in America's history. 
Kissinger's writings 
Kissinger's philosophy on foreign policy can easily be examined 
by studying his writings. The two works for which he is best known 
and which best typify his outlook on the world order are A World 

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Restored and Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy. In the former, he 
says the objective of an international system is not peace but rather 
stability, which is dependent on a generally accepted legitimacy. 
Peace is the bonus that follows from the attainment of stability. 
Should peace be the objective, every state within the system would be 
at the mercy of the most ruthless--the revolutionary--state, since 
there was an incentive to mollify the aggressor and to accept its 
demands in order to maintain peace. Negotiating is impossible when 
a revolutionary state exists in a state system. Negotiating is pos­
sib1e within a legitimate state system. Napoleon's France was a revo­
lutionary state. Metternich, Foreign Minister of Austria, saw France 
as such in the Nineteenth Century and sought to destroy Napoleon. 
53 
Henry admired Metternich for his ability to form a coalition 
against Napoleon; but Henry criticized him for his unwillingness to 
achieve social and political reform in the Austrian Empire. Henry 
also admired Castlereagh, Foreign Minister of Great Britain, for in­
sisting on a peace settlement that did not seek retribution when his 
countrymen were clamoring for vengeance against France; Henry criti­
cized Castlereagh for not gaining parliamentary support for his Quad­
ruple Alliance, which he had proposed would guard Europe against revo­
lutionary power. Largely by Metternich and Castlereagh's efforts, a 
balance of power was set up and Europe was spared a major war for a 
century. 
Through his studies, Henry learned that the statesman, who "knows" 
the future prospects of his nation, has to act before his intuition 
is made actual. But this would make the statesman suspect in his 

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countrymen's eyes. Therefore, the statesman has to educate his fellow 
citizens about his insights to "bridge the gap between a people's ex­
perience and his vision, between a nation's tradition and its future." 
This has to be done in order to gain public support for the statesman's 
policies. But: 
A statesman who too far outruns the experience of his 
people, will fail in achieving a domestic concensus, how­
ever wise his policies; witness Castlereagh. A statesman 
who limits his policy to the experience of his people will 
doom himself to sterility; witness Metternich. (Kissinger, 
1957, p. 329) 
54 
In Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, Kissinger says that with the 
discovery of atomic weaponry, man held an excess of power. The sur­
vival of the earth and its inhabitants depended on man's ability to 
use that power subtly and with discrimination. Total war was no longer 
thinkable because of this power and the risk of nuclear holocaust. 
He said the U.S. required a strategic doctrine suited to its 
defense needs. It had wasted the years in which it had an atomic mon­
opoly because it failed to establish a stable world order •. He credit­
ed the Soviets with gaining control of East Europe and with stock­
piling nuclear weapons during the American atomic monopoly without 
causing American retaliation. The Soviets thus learned how to gain 
increments of power and to present challenges to the U.S. without 
being confronted by an all-out war. Americans, he wrote, were only 
used to all-out war and unconditional surrender. But what they needed 
to realize was that "massive retaliation", as enunciated by John 
Foster Dulles, was the wrong policy. A limited war could produce 
specific political objectives. The SoYiets were not deterred from a 

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U.S. threat of massive retaliation because they knew the U.S. would 
not follow through. And a deterrent which one is afraid to use when 
it is challenged ceases to be a deterrent. Nuclear weapons could 
also be used in a limited fashion without risking nuclear holocaust-­
unless, of course, the enemy escalated the war. Thermonuclear war 
must be avoided, wrote Kissinger, except as a last resort. 
Diplomacy was also too concerned with absolutes--its only objec­
tive was absolute peace. Kissinger proposed that negotiations should 
focus on limiting the use of atomic weapons rather than on only search­
ing for "peace". The Soviet Union, a revolutionary state, existed 
within the state system and therefore peace was unattainable as the 
primary objective. Kissinger further proposed an approach to arms 
control that would have the advantage of focusing thinking on things 
to accomplish rather than on things to prohibit. 
55 
Kissinger also took the U.S. alliance system to task. The success 
of alliances depends on a recognition of the fact that the interests 
of the U.S. and those of its allies could not in all cases coincide. 
The disparity of power was too great for the interests of all allies 
to be the same. Cooperation was possible on regional matters; but not 
always on world balance of power issues. However, "no progress can be 
made in our policy of alliances until there has been an agreement on 
strategic doctrine". 
(Kissinger, 1957, p. 246) 
Psychological considerations 
To consider the psychological aspects of Kissinger's life, 
Erikson's developmental theory is applied in this section. As in the 

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56 
case of Dulles, assumptions must be made concerning the earliest 
stages of Kissinger's life. But for Kissinger, the first three stages 
(rather than the first two in Dulles' case) are assumed to have been 
completed normally for "there are no data whatever on how he was 
raised in infancy. Our first glimpse of him is in school, that is, 
after his sixth year." (Mazlish, 
1976, 
p. 
29) 
Mazlish adds, 
Kissinger's childhood seems to have been normal, at least until the 
Nazis came to power when Kissinger was about 10. 
It is assumed then that Kissinger became a Trusting Infant (Stage 
1: 0-2 years). This Trust, once established, would help him meet 
future crises with a good chance of normal development. Between 2 
and 4 years old, Kissinger probably asserted his independence (Auto­
nomy, Stage 2) by self-regulating his own behavior. Stage 3, 5-7 years, 
is the play age where Kissinger developed a sense of Initiative by 
being energetic and adventuresome. 
Beginning with Erikson's Stage 4, 
6-12 
years (School Age), data 
on Kissinger are available.· Normal development in this stage would be 
evident by the industry Kissinger showed in school (and in play). 
Being a school teacher, Louis Kissinger probably helped his son pre­
pare for his formal education. It is known that young Heinz showed 
none of his later brilliance while in school in Germany. 
With the Hitler youth groups attacking him, his brother and 
friends, Heinz was shaken emotionally. Like other children in this 
stage, Heinz wanted to accept his environment for what it was but 
further wanted to master its problems. He could not. He was a victim 
of one of the most bizarre moments in history. Because he failed in 

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57 
this stage, he developed an inferiority complex. He would later 
overcompensate or rebel because of his failure in this stage, says 
Erikson. He could, of course, later regress to this stage from a 
higher one, solve its problems, and continue to develop normally. 
The Adolescent Stage lasts roughly from 13 to 19 years of age. 
Identity is the goal sought and can be achieved by normal adjustment 
to the physical and social changes occurring within and to the youth. 
The biggest social change for Kissinger in this stage was his escape 
from Nazi Germany. Perhaps he finally overcame his environment, a 
feat he could not achieve previously. His adjustment to American life 
was slow but steady. He was shy and a loner. He worked hard in high 
school and earned excellent grades--even with his "foreign language 
handicap". He attended baseball games and enjoyed his American sur­
roundings. 
As a young adult, ages 20-30, a person's outlook turns toward in­
timacy. He seeks a lasting, loving relationship with a member of the 
opposite sex. Kissinger married Anne Fleischer when he was 25. The 
marriage did not fit Erikson's ideal where each individual would sur­
render part of his/her hard-won identity in order to succeed in the 
relationship. Kissinger required silence from his wife during his 
long writing episodes. He usually was overextended in his responsi­
bilities (aside from his husbandly duties) and he demanded submissive­
ness from Anne. The marriage was unstable, perhaps due to the inabil­
ity to surrender identity and independence for the sake of the marriage. 
In 1964, after having two children, Henry and Anne were divorced. Where 
intimacy fails, isolation occurs. Kissinger was isolated in his own 

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home and marriage. 
Generativity, or the desire to establish and guide the next gen­
eration, is the result of successful completion of adulthood, ages 
30-65. A teacher is a good example of someone successful in this
stage. This stage is not only the one in which Kissinger performed as 
an instructor at Harvard; it is also the one in which he was National 
Security Advisor and Secretary of State under Nixon and Gerald Ford 
(1974-77). Thus, not only did Kissinger help guide a younger genera­
tion through college; he tried to guide all generations of Americans 
(and as a consequence, everyone else in the world) toward a more 
stable world order. This was his goal, as is evident from virtually 
all his writings. He was successful as a professor at Harvard, guid­
ing a future generation to a better understanding of world politics. 
Whether he was equally successful in guiding all generations toward a 
more stable world order will be discussed in Chapter V. 
Because he failed to attain intimacy in the previous stage, 
Kissinger regressed to that stage from adulthood. He married Nancy 
Maginnes in 1974. By doing so, he hoped to achieve that intimacy 
which he was unable to achieve before. 
James David Barber's personality theory also may provide some in­
sight as to why Kissinger behaved the way he did as chief foreign 
policy advisor. An individual's character is developed mainly in 
childhood and is the way a person confronts new experiences. 
Kissinger's character was one of overcoming handicaps. He overcame 
the pressures of Nazi Germany when his family left that country. He 
overcame his "foreign language handicap" in America by working hard 
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at his studies. He overcame his "handicap" of being a potentially 
biased participant in Germany as an American soldier of German-Jewish 
origin by being objective and judicious in dealing with Nazis in 
Krefeld. He overcame a similar handicap by saying how his child-
hood experiences as a persecuted Jew in Germany are "not a key" to how 
he thinks or acts. He even overcame his handicap of not being able 
to date many girls during his first few years in America by becoming a 
middle-aged "swinger". Kissinger still has a sense of vulnerability 
which he acquired in his youth. He is forever on the lookout for 
enemies. He is still a loner. He does not let many people get too 
close to him personally; nor does he let anyone know who or what 
Henry A. Kissinger really is: "No, I won't tell you what I am. I'll 
never tell anyone." (New Republic, December 16, 1972) 
Like Dulles, Kissinger did not suffer from economic or psycholog­
ical deprivation. Though the Dulles family was much better off finan­
cially, Kissinger's father earned a good salary as a teacher-advisor 
during the character-formative years of young Heinz' life. In America, 
Louis worked as a bookkeeper, Paula earned money as a cook, and even­
tually Henry worked in a factory to supplement the family income. 
Again, there was enough money to keep the family of four happy. "We 
59 
had a very close family relationship and things did not seem that hard 
to me. I was not brought up to have a lot of leisure; there was no 
shame in that." (Kalb & Kalb, 1974, p. ,37) The Kissingers were close-­
brother and brother, parents and children. Louis spent much time 
with his sons, teaching them in the ways of his faith, watching them 
play, disciplining them, helping them with homework. Paula was a 

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good and loving mother--at home (in Germany) when her sons needed her; 
in America she was working and not always home but was no less atten­
tive to her sons. There was no deprivation, which is surprising given 
the circumstances in which Kissinger grew up. 
To describe Kissinger as active is perhaps an understatement. 
"Workaholic" may be a more suitable term. He was constantly busy 
throughout his life (as he admits, he had little time for leisure). 
And he usually overextended himself in his responsibilities. Yet, 
60 
he received much satisfaction from his work, whether it was working on 
books and articles or with the Council on Foreign Relations or for presi­
dents. Thus, he enjoyed his activity which indicates a positive 
approach to his work. 
An Active-Positive uses "his styles flexibly, adaptively, suiting 
the dance to the music." (Barber, 1977, p. 12) When Harvard refused 
to hire him full-time in 1954, Kissinger directed his talents to the 
Council on Foreign Relations. Though a known "Rockefeller Republican", 
Kissinger saw Kennedy's election as a chance to influence foreign 
policy in a Democratic Administration. And he advised Johnson on the 
role the U.S. should play in Vietnam. Here Kissinger proved his 
ability to work for anyone--regardless of party--so long as he was 
influencing the direction of U.S. foreign policy. Kissinger truly 
proved his flexibility and his ability to succeed when all else pointed 
to failure when he went to work for Nixon. Ardently anti-Nixon and 
deeply rooted in the Rockefeller camp, Kissinger proved to Nixon that 
he could serve and be loyal to him (as Nixon had hoped). 
An Active-Positive works toward "well defined personal goals". 

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Kissinger's goal: 
I'd like to leave behind a world that seemed more peace­
ful than the one we entered. More creative in the sense 
of fulfilling human aspirations. And of course it's been 
my dream, which for many reasons has not been fully reali­
zable, to have contributed in some sense to unity in the 
American people. (Kalb, 1974, p. 12) 
He has written about such goals in most, if not all, of his books: 
Metternich and Castlereagh established a stable world order; Nuclear 
Weapons could be used in a limited way for political goals--namely 
stability. 
Kissinger's World View was developed in his adolescence, roughly 
between 13 and 19 years of age. His early adolescence was spent in 
tumultuous Germany; he moved to America at 15. In his doctoral dis-
sertation, Kissinger said if revolutionary states were allowed to 
exist in the world, stability and therefore peace would never be 
achieved. Napoleon, Hitler and Stalin were revolutionary leaders. 
The world system was unstable as long as these leaders (and any others 
like them) were in power. 
Style is developed in early adulthood. It is the way a person 
behaves. When the person moves from thinking about what he wants to 
do to actually doing it, he adopts a style. The period this happens 
in is when the person emerges as an independent actor. Kissinger's 
time of emergence was when he directed the Council on Foreign Rela­
tions Committee on Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy and when he 
wrote his book on its deliberations. The style he used to achieve 
his success would be used throughout the rest of his political career. 
Barber offers three styles: rhetoric, homework and personal relations. 
61 

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Kissinger dominated the discussions on Nuclear Weapons and Foreign 
Policy. He was confident that his ideas were correct. He told the 
Council that he would write the book only if he could do it his own 
way. He wrote the book and did express his ideas, relying on the data 
supplied by the discussions. In expressing his controversial ideas, 
Kissinger relied on the power of persuasion via his writing. But 
Barber does not provide for a style of "persuasion". It is difficult 
to determine which style of persuasion is most related to--rhetoric, 
homework or personal relations. 
Analyzing a subsequent political success, his style will be more 
evident. When Kissinger visited Vietnam for Johnson, he relied on 
personal contacts to find a realistic picture of life and society 
in South Vietnam. He reported his findings directly to Ambassador 
Lodge and to President Johnson because he was always "a believer in 
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face to face exchanges". (Kalb, 1974, p. 63) It was in such situa­
tions that Kissinger was at his best. He could make two adversaries be­
lieve that he agreed with both of them. He manipulated a co-negotiator, 
making him feel that he and Kissinger were smarter than a third party. 
Kissinger would do the same with the roles reversed, with the third