Homans
(Desk)‚
Jill Russell
(Treasurer)‚
Jon
Gabe
and
Barbara
Lawrence
(Conference
Programme).
The
new
booking forms
were
commended.
wider publicity should
be
given to
the offer of
a limited
number of
free
Conference
places
to
students.
There
was
a
very
high
participation
rate with approximately
25% of
the
Conference
attenders
giving
papers.
Fina11y‚ the Group
would
be
sponsoring a
number
of
one—day
specialist
conferences
in
the
regions.
Treasurer's Regort
-
( J i l l R u s s e l l )
There was
little to report because the
financial
position
would not
be
clear until after
the
Conference.
The
accounts
woüld
be
prepared
in December
and
published in
Medical Sociology News in March.
E800 was made
available for
subsidies
and approximately
twenty
persons
applied.
Additional money had been used to
extend
the
oponing hours
of
the
croche.
Sociology
oi
Health and Illness
-
(Anne Murcott)
The main
item
of
the
report
was
Anne's
announcement
of
her 'ear1y retirement' from the post of
editor
because
of
a visit
to
Australia
in
the
new
year.
Mildred
Blaxter
had been appointed
to the
post
by
the
editorial
board.
Anne
gave
thanks
Co
the
board for their
work
over
the
past
four years.
Fifty
eight
new
papers had
been
submitted
to
the journal since her
last
report‚ of which
27 were
from
the U.K.‚
3
from mainland
Europe,
21
from
Canada
(most)/U.S.A.
and
7
from elsewhere.
Of
these 58,
17
are currently out
for
review:
29
have been rejected;
4 have been accepted
( a f t e r
one
revision):
1 has been
published;
6
returned with an
invitation
to
revise and
resubmit and
1
withdrawn.
Subscription rates
are
to be
increased to:
€36.80
-
institutional
rate
223.75
—
individual
rate
€20.75
—
concessionary
rate
Anne
expressed
the hope that
the
number of
subscribers
would increase.
The pub1ishers‚ B1ackwe11s‚ had made
a
number
of
improvements‚ including
Copyright information
for
each paper
and
a
new
type-face was being considered.
The
editor
was questioned
about
the lenqth of
'turn—around time' of
submissions
and it
was agreed
that
the
new
editor
should
give
details
of
this at
the
next
A.G.M.
Fina11y,.there was
some
discussion
of
the
mechanics
of appointing the new
editor
and
the
accountability of
the
board.
The
relationship between
the board
and
the Medical Sociology
Group
was
clarified.
Mildred
Blaxter
qave
an
assurance that
the journal
would
not
be
supported‚ in
any
way‚
by
funds
from
the Health
Promotion Trust.
Medical Sociologx
News
-
(Steve
P l a t t )
There
had
been
an
improved rate
of
subscription this
y e a r
rising to
280.
Approximately 100 subscribers turned
around
each year.
There had been three issues
-
December‚
April
and
August.
The commercial printers
had
made
an
improvement.
The change
of
editorship was
announced and the meetinq expressed its
thanks for
Steve's efficiency and organisation.
There
followed
a
presentation to
Steve
to
mark the gratitude
of
the
Committee.
10.
11.
Information
from
Regional
Groups
It
was
reported that
each group
received
an
annual
subvention of
E50
from
Central funds
(a)
North west
A
parody
of
a
report was presented
indicating that some meetings had
been
held which
were
both interesting and
well-attended.
Meetings were also
scheduled
for
the
Autumn
term.
( b )
London
There had been seminars on
a range
of
topics during the year.
A
planning
meeting for the coming
year
(1988)
would
take place on 7th October at
6
p.m. in
the third floor seminar
room
in
the
Department
of
Community
Medicine‚ 66—72
Gower
street.
(cl
Bristol
:
A
new
group had been established which
had met once so far.
( d )
Scotland
:
The
group
had
held
a
number of one-day
meetings
and
a
weekend
conference.
In
the new
year
it
was
proposed to have
meetings on medical ethnography and
social
factors
and
health.
Proposed Amalgamation wich
the
Social
Researchers in
Health
Groug.
It
was
agreed that all members
of
this
group
should
be
written
to
inviting them
to subscribe to
Medical
Sociology
News
and there
should
be
a
joint
conference
between
the
two
groups
and
a report back
to the
next
A.G.M.
Proposed Change
of
Name
of
Medical Sociology Group.
The options detailed in the last issue of Medical
Sociology News had elicited a nil
response.
After some
discussion
and
clarification
it
was
decided to
invite
subscribers
to write to the Committee if
they felt that
a
name chanqe was
in
order.
Smoking
in
Public
Places
A
letter referring to this
matter
had appeared in the
December
1986 issue
of
Medical Sociology News.
The
Committee
said
it
would
not be
prepared to
'po1ice' a
total ban
on
smoking.
A5
the
protaqonist was not
present no decision was taken.
12.
13.
14.
Status
of
Papers
given
at Conference
It
was
agreed that
all participants giving
papers
should
be
invited
to
give some
indication
of
the
status of
their
papers.
A simple distinction
between
'work
in proqress'
and 'comp1eted research' would
be
suggested.
Elections
(a)
Committee
(four
v a c a n c i e s )
These
were filled without
a
vote
by
Jon
Gabe, David
Silverman‚
Sue
Scott
and Gareth
williams.
( b )
Convenor
-
Elect.
Two nominations
had
been
received
for
this
post
both
for Steve Platt and
he
was
elected
unopposed.
Hilary Homan's
departure to
Zimbabwe
would
mean that
Steve
would
take up the position earlier than
expected.
( c )
Editorial
Board
of
‘sociology
of
Health
and
Il1ness'
The vacancies
were
filled
by
Sara
Arber (Treasurer)‚
Mick
Bloor
and
Janet
Askham.
Ang Other Business
It
was reported Chat the regulations qoverning the
funding of D.H.S.S. units were being
changed to permit
possible censorship
of
research
publications and
granting the D.H.S.S. 'ownership'
of
all
data
collected.
workers in
the field
were
invited to
send
information
to the Committee.
10
Participatory
Democracy
and Medical Sociology
Neil
McKeganey
At
this year's Annual General Meeting
of
the
BSA
Medical
Sociology
group an issue was raised for discussion which
hiqhlighted certain tensions in
the
role
of
the
AGM
in
relation
to both the Medical Sociology Group Committee and the Editorial
Board
of
Sociology
of
Health and
Illness.
Brief1y‚ the issue
surrounded
the changeover in editorship of the journal.
while
the fact of
this changeover
was
announced
by
the
outgoing
editor‚ it
appeared
that
there
was
1itt1e‚ if
any‚ scope for
discussing some
of
the implications
of
this changeover‚
Although the meeting did indeed go on to discuss the
changeover‚ there was at
least one body
of
opinion to
the
effect that the change in editorship was an internal
matter,-
that the editorial
board
had discussed and agreed
o n ‚
and
not
something which could
be
discussed at
the
AGM.
while
such
a
view
may be
in
accord with
the constitutional
position as
currently drawn‚
it
would
seem to stand in
Opposition to
the principle
of
free and open discussion.
Clearly,
it
would
be
quite
inappropriate to
suggest that the
running
of
the journal should
be
the responsibility
of
the
Medical Sociology Group Committee or indeed the
AGM
:
the
running
of
the journal
i s ‚
quite right1y‚ the responsibility
of
the elected and appointed representatives
of
the Editorial
Board.
However‚
I
can see no reason why the operation
of
the
journal
ouqht not to
be
seen
as
something for discussion in
much the same way as the
AGM
discusses
other
aspects of
medical sociology.
There
i s ‚ I think‚
a general point here to
do
with
the role
of
the
AGM.
Speaking
persona11y‚
I
would argue
that‚ if
no where
else,
the
AGM
should
be
the forum
for open discussion.
At
present
I
fear we are in danger
of
creating
an
atmosphere where
to
ask
for points
of
Clarification or
to express
a
dissenting
opinion
is
seen
as tantamount to rocking the boat
of
established opinion and practice
-
that would
be
regrettable.
Sociology in
general and medical sociology
in
particular
is
strengthened
not
weakened
by
the expresion
of
diverse opinions.
11
Medical
Diagnostic Reasoning
as
Cognitive
Sociocu1tura1‚
and linguistic Constructions
Introduction
In
everyday social 1nteractlon‚ the
use of
language
by
speakers contributes to the
way
a situation
is
contextualized
or 'framed."
Hhen
social
interaction is
mot1vated‚
constra1ned‚
or
guided by
institutional
or
bureaucratic
cond1t1ons‚
the
framing of
activities can
be
oriented
to group
derived
prescriptive
norms
that pressure
and/or
channel
people
into
certain physlcal spaces at
particular times in order
to
engage
in speclfiable
speech events
and/or
motor behaviour
accordtng
to
designated
titles
or
positlons and presumed
competencies.
Types
of
context interactz
an
institutional
context‚
for
examp1e‚ auch
as
a governmental
bureaucracy
or
a scientlfic laboratory can
provide
a frame for the
way
a
variety
of activitles
are
progressively
defined
and
redefined.
An
institutional
or
organizational
context allows emergent
processes
of
communication to
occur
that create a
more narrow
sense
ot
context that
is
locally
managed
and
negotiated
over
the
course of
an exchange.
Two
kinds
of
information
become
necessary for
understanding
the
interpretation of
comunicative
contexts
in
medical
settings.
on
the
one hand‚
we
usually take for granted
normative
institutional conditions
of
health care
and
i11ness‚
but
we also
need
information
about
the
general ethnogtaphic
or
organizational
conditions
within which
different types
of
social interaction
emerge
that
are
a
d1rect‚ 1nd1rect‚
or
peripheral
consequence
of
the
work
environment
and
its
patterns
of
social
stratificatlon.
In
the
more
narrou
sense
of
context‚ information 1s
needed
about
the klnds
of
interpersonal
and status relationships
and linguistic and paralinguistic
circumstances
that
are percelved to
be typical of
all speech
events
and/or
specific
to
medical settings.
12
In
the
pages
that
fo11ow‚
I
review some empirical
materials
to illustrate
t h e
way
cogn1t1ve‚ eociocultural
and
linguistic
structure
and
process influence patient-physician
and
physician-physician
communication
and
diagnostic judgments.
The illustrative materials employed will call attention to
the dlstrlbution
of knowledge of
the
participants based
on
thelr tra1n1nq‚
c11n1ca1 experience‚
institutional
authority
or
domlnance within
a c11n1c‚
hospital servlce‚
1aboratory‚
and
professional
background.
A general
issue
15
the extent
to which these conditions
dan be perceived
as ptohibiting
or
enhanclng
comunication.
Additional
relevant factots are
the pat1ent'a and
phys1c1an's
folk theories
of t h e
wor1d‚
of
medical sett1ngs‚
and
their
experiences
wlth
lllness
and
health
care
delivery systems.
The
first
case
presented
below
illustrates the
contrast
that can
exist
between
the
patient
and
physician vis-a-via
their
understanding of
an
illness
and
diaqnostic
reasoning
and
medical
procedures.
The
second case underscores
the
discrepancies
that
can
be
clalmed about the
knowledge
distribution
of
medical expert and novice
when
examining
a
patlent.
The
two cases also illustrate the use
of ethnographic
or
organizational
knowledge
by
the researcher
in
order to
clarify
routine interaction in
a
medical
setting.
Institutional
Contexts
Obtaining access
to
medicnl setting:
can
be
difficult
and
sometimes
imposs1b1e‚ depending
on the
specialty
area‚ clinic
and ward.
In
addition
to
seeking permission
to
tape
record
those
observed‚ a
variety of
bureaucratic
and
Lnterpersonal
obstacles
invariably
emerge
before
and during
the research
experlence.
The
research illustrated
below
was
facllitated
by
many
years
of teaching in
a
university medical
school
and
havtng
direct contact with a
range of
medical school co11eagues‚
13
students‚
Houae
Staff
(interne,
res1dents‚
and training
fe11owa)‚ camm1ttees‚
c11n1cs‚
and
hospital
wards and
laboratories.
I
have been
both
participant and observer
as Hell
as a
research analyst
ellciting
information from
those
observed
directly
and
Erom
participants who
provided
explanations of
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