the problems of science in the end are mediated outcomes of the problems of
social existence.
Postmodernists, of course, have picked up on ideas like these to proclaim the
radical relativism of knowledge and the dangers of ‘totalization’ (cf. Dear 2000),
though the first of these claims carries the point much too far in my opinion, and
the second turns out on closer examination to be largely a case of mistaken iden-
tity. I accept that knowledge is socially constructed
and not foundational, but not
that it is purely self-referential, for although knowledge is never a precise mirror of
reality, it does not follow – given any kind of belief that some sort of external real-
ity actually exists – that one mirror is as good as another (Sayer 2000). The aversion
to so-called totalization among many geographers today
seems to translate for the
most part, in a more neutral vocabulary, into the entirely sensible principle that
theories of social reality should not claim for themselves wider explanatory powers
than they in fact possess. However, the principle strikes me as pernicious to the
degree that it is then used to insinuate that small and unassuming concepts are
meaningful and legitimate whereas large
and ambitious concepts are necessarily irra-
tional. This in turn has an unfortunately chilling effect on high-risk conceptual and
theoretical speculation.
These brief remarks set the stage for the various strategies of assessment
of economic geography that are adopted in what follows. We want to be able
to account for the shifting substantive emphases and internal divisions of the field
in a way that is systematically attentive to external contextual conditions, but
which does not invoke these conditions as mechanical determinants. We must, in
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