D3.3 Very basic grammar for I Revision 0.1
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DeepThought IST-2000-30161 Page 38 (of 55)
e)
sentence 5
“
S lo vede mangiare T”: one interpetation
i)
not deactivated
infinitive verb
lo vede mangiare T
[“
lo” is the subject = “S vede che “
lo” mangia T”]
f)
sentence 6
“
S gli vede mangiare T” one interpretation
i)
deactivated
infinitive verb
gli vede mangiare T
[“
lo” is the surface subject = “S vede che T è mangiato da “
gli””]
g)
sentence 7
“
S glielo vede mangiare”: one intepretation:
i)
deactivated
infinitive verb
glie_ _lo vede mangiare
[“
lo” is the surface subject and “
gli” the
deep subject = “S vede che “
lo” è mangiato da “
gli””]
h)
sentence 9
“
S lo vede mangiare da Z”: one interpretation:
i)
deactivated
infinitive verb
S
lo vede mangiare da Z
[“
lo” is the surface subject = “S vede che “
lo” è mangiato da Z”]
D3.3 Very basic grammar for I Revision 0.1
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DeepThought IST-2000-30161 Page 39 (of 55)
10.1.2. Finite complementation: cases
µµ
-
νν
In the sample sentence 13
S vede che G mangia T
the PDS verb governs a finite clause (introduced by “che” (that)). As for this kind of
complementation, the perception could be either a
direct preception
of a process/state, as
in the example, or an
indirect perception
or
cognition
, as in the following sentences:
”Giovanni ha visto che Maria ha lavato i piatti”
[John saw that Mary has washed the plates]
”Giovanni ha visto che Maria vuole bene al suo gatto”
[John saw that Mary loves her cat]
”Giovanni ha visto che sarebbe meglio andare via”
[John saw that it should be better to go away]
In such cases the finite complementation is the
only one admitted, so that is not possible to
“translate” the sentences in an infinitival form, e.g.:
*Giovanni ha visto Maria aver lavato i piatti
[*John saw Mary to have washed the plates]
*Giovanni ha visto Maria voler bene
al suo gatto
[*John saw Mary to love her cat]
*Giovanni ha visto essere meglio andare via
[*John saw to be better to go away]
The perception verb could be paraphrased as a cognition or opinion verb (e.g. “notare”,
“constatare” or “immaginare”) and the the preceived state/process could be not
contemporary (that is a quite strong constraint for PDS verbs): it’s possible to “perceive” a
“concluded event”, e.g. "
Vedo che hai lavato i piatti" (I see that you have washed the plates).
It’s also possible to “perceive” a “negated event”, e.g. “
Ho visto che Maria NON ha lavato i
piatti” (I saw that Mary didn’t wash the plates), that is in general not possible for the other
cases of PDS verbs complementation (“*
Ho visto non arrivare Giovanni” (*I saw John not
coming), but there are some counter-examples).
As a rough conclusion, one could say that a PDS verb governing a finite complement clause
is actually a “cognitive/suppositive” verb.
Therefore the lexical entry for the PDS verb
µ
could be the following:
Dostları ilə paylaş: