Background
The Soviet system of water resources management kept Central Asian
countries closely integrated, establishing a regional trade-off by linking
the glacier mountains of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan with the arid lands
of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan that are rich in gas, coal
and oil. Soviet water specialists built 20,000 miles of canals, 45 dams
and more than 80 reservoirs across this vast regional space with elabo-
rate engineering, covering the costs of operation and maintenance. “The
land of sand and dust was thus turned into one of the world’s great
cotton-growing regions” (Wines, 2002).
The reservoirs of two great rivers –the Syr-Darya and Amu-Darya–
were filled up in autumn and winter so that sufficient water was avail-
able downstream for irrigation during spring and summer. By increasing
the area of irrigated land for cotton and rice growing, there was, how-
ever, little consideration for the local environment; this has led to some
drastic environmental consequences, especially for the Aral Sea, which
has been shrinking since the 1960s, with the area around it turning into
a toxic wasteland.
Since gaining independence in 1991, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,
Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan were immediately faced with
the problem of what to do with the Soviet model of water resource
management. And for quite some time after the break-up of the Soviet
Anar Khamzayeva
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Documentos CIDOB, Asia
Water resources management in Central Asia
Union, the republics were left with little choice but to continue with
the management system established by the USSR Ministry of Land
Reclamation and Water Management, becoming parties to an “Agreement
on cooperation in joint management, use and protection of interstate sources
of water resources” in 1992 in Almaty, Kazakhstan that basically kept in
place the water-distribution scheme of the Soviet times.
Article 1 of the Agreement states that “recognising the community and
unity of the region’s water resources, the parties have equal rights for their
use and responsibility for ensuring their rational use and protection”. A
continuous inter-state dialogue on water resource management included
discussions on what kinds of institutions should be overseeing water man-
agement in Central Asia, and the question was raised regarding control of
dams and water-release tables. In addition, the discussion circled around
whether the short-term water quota agreements or long-term mechanisms
for water sharing should be put in place. The Interstate Commission for
Water Coordination of Central Asia (ICWC) was set up with the Syr-
Darya and Amu-Darya Water Basin Authorities to carry out decision-mak-
ing according to the consensus of the five member states, and to manage
the implementation of the 1992 agreement (ICWC, 2008).
A number of declarations about water reform were signed thereafter,
including the 1993 Tashkent Heads of State Decision to create the
International Fund for the Aral Sea, the 1993 Kzyl-Orda Agreement,
creating the Interstate Council for the Aral Sea, the 1995 Nukus
Declaration, pledging the states to fulfill all water agreements existing
between them, the 1997 Almaty Declaration, pledging the states to
create an International Convention for the Sustainable Development of
the Aral Sea Basin, and the 1999 Ashgabad Declaration, urging more
international attention to the region (Sievers, 2002, p. 387).
Despite these initial and relatively upbeat attempts by the Central
Asian states to keep the common system of water management intact,
independence has brought socio-economic hardship which in turn
meant that now separate sovereign republics could not have managed
Water resources management in Central Asia
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Número 25, 2009
to maintain the water systems or invest in new waste management and
water purification facilities, as it was quite costly.
As a result, the decaying irrigation systems cut water supply dramati-
cally. In fact, “50 to 90 % of water diverted for irrigation never reaches
crops due to poorly-designed irrigation canals and the fact that water
users have historically received water for free. Water has mobilised deep
salt reserves, raised the water table, and waterlogged fields as a result
of over-irrigation. In Turkmenistan, 95% of irrigated lands suffer from
salinization. Approximately 30% of Kazakhstan’s agricultural lands are
salinated, waterlogged, or at-risk. In Tajikistan, 16% of irrigated lands
suffer from some degree from salinization” (Sievers, 2002, p. 366).
For the most part, water sharing and quota levels were not at the heart
of most disputes, it was rather that the parties have mostly disagreed
over whether water should be used for irrigation or electricity generation.
The 1992 Agreement did not stipulate the provision of the energy sup-
plies to Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan for their use over the winter period.
As a result, both countries have started to rely on hydropower as a
source of energy, thereby releasing large amounts of reservoir water dur-
ing the cold winter season, leaving much less water available for spring
and summer. This situation persists as the principal source of the cur-
rent water problems in Central Asia.
If we look at the very latest developments: in late January of this year, the
Tajik Foreign Ministry warned that Central Asia could face a water shortage
this summer. Tajikistan’s water reserves are being used to produce additional
energy due to a deficit of electricity
1
. This ultimately means that one should
expect yet another round of quarrels to take place between the riparian
states, perhaps again with no definitive resolution of the problem in sight.
1. “Tajik Ministry warns of summer water shortages”, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty,
January 21, 2009, www.rferl.org/Content/Tajik_Ministry_Predicts_Regional_Water_Shor-
tage_By_Summer_/1373056. html.
Anar Khamzayeva
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Documentos CIDOB, Asia
Water resources management in Central Asia
Continuing with this examination of the legal framework for inter-
state relations on Central Asian water resources management, spe-
cial mention should be made of the 1998 agreement ‘On the Use of
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