Practising Zoocriticism
In the “Knowing Other Animals” chapter, I argued that the wild animal
story was not representative of Canadian literature. Using a survey of twentieth-
century texts, I differentiated common forms of animal representation and
characterized them as the fantasy of knowing the animal, the failure of knowing
the animal, and the acceptance of not-knowing the animal. I demonstrated that
the surveyed texts fell into the latter categories, whereas the wild animal story
and the six core twentieth-century texts embodied the fantasy of knowing the
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animal. Through analysis of Canadian environmental history, I suggested that
the differences between these styles of representation may have been
influenced by the nation’s complex relationship with animals. Contradictory
impulses to both exploit and protect the Canadian environment and its
nonhuman inhabitants seem to be exacerbated by a national iconography
dominated by images of animals, juxtaposed with the autonomous,
unpredictable presences of living wild animals. I proposed that we might
characterize Canada’s relationship with wild animals as one of simultaneous
fascination and confusion, but I emphasized that this was
not
intended as a
homogenizing theory of a mythical
‘Canadian psyche.’
In the following chapter,
“Practical Zoocriticism,” I demonstrated the
prevalence of anthropocentric interpretations of the wild animal story. Such
perspectives tend to undermine the zoocentric aims of the genre by dissociating
the stories from Seton
’s and Roberts’ attempts to engage with animal sciences
and animal advocacy. These efforts to marginalize the presence of the
nonhuman animal may have been influenced
the “embarrassment” of the
animal (Charles Bergman). Hence, these arguments inevitably overlooked what
John Sandlos described
as the “unique innovation” of the genre (79). I
suggested that such analyses, combined with the general misunderstanding
and poor definition of the genre, have contributed to the negative perception of
the wild animal story. In order to illustrate the value of Seton
’s and Roberts’
innovations, I proposed that their representations of autonomous wild animals
may have been motivated by the anthropocentric, objectifying use of animals in
other nineteenth-century Canadian literature.
Using the practical zoocriticism framework, I also speculated on the
likelihood that the wild animal story
developed in reaction to Canada’s rather
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marginal, fragmented efforts at animal advocacy. Investigating the history of
animal protection and wildlife conservation movements demonstrated the
contrast between those of Canada and its neighbours. The lack of a coherent
response to animal exploitation in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century
Canada has been attributed to the nation’s continued economic dependence on
different animal industries. As I stated, however, there has been very little
scholarship in this area, and none that attempts to track the dual evolution of
both
Canada’s wildlife conservation and animal welfare movements.
Nonetheless, I proposed
that the nation’s dichotomy between exploitation and
protection impeded these movements, compared to the concurrent progress
being made in Great Britain and the United States.
By examining the history of science, and the changing relationship
between science and literature, I indicated the ways in which the nineteenth-
century process of specialization and professionalization impacted the wild
animal story and Nature Fakers controversy. Both Seton and Roberts were born
in the middle of this transformation, and by the time that their stories became
popular, the boundaries between disciplines were more distinct than ever
before. As a consequence, areas like natural history and animal psychology
experienced diminished credibility as sciences, and so it became increasingly
important to maintain their validity by excluding amateurs and popular writers.
Thus, I provided original insights into the motivations behind the Nature Fakers
controversy by suggesting that, as influential figures in the field, John Burroughs
and Theodore Roosevelt may have been attempting to reinforce the
respectability of natural history by excluding Seton, Roberts, and the others.
Similarly, my investigation into animal psychology revealed its origins in the
anecdotes and popular writing of unscientific obs
ervers. George Romanes’
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attempts to establish the first scientific theory of animal intelligence were
undermined by Conwy Lloyd Morgan who questioned his reliance on anecdotal
evidence.
The implementation of Morgan’s canon increased the importance of
instinct in comparative psychology, and prompted its transformation into
behaviourism in the early decades of the twentieth-century. In these
preoccupations with professionalism and objectivity, we also find the anxiety
and embarrassment of anthropomorphism. I argue that the stigma against
anecdotal evidence that undermined Romanes’ work, also contributed to the
criticisms targeted at the wild animal story.
In “Wild Animals and Nature Fakers,” I used the contextual information
gained in the previous chapter to inform a survey of Seton
’s and Roberts’ texts
across three volumes of each author’s work. This analysis demonstrated the
validity of the genre criteria I established in the previous chapter, whilst also
illuminating Seton
’s and Roberts’ engagement with the core contextual factors
of ‘literature,’ ‘advocacy,’ and ‘science.’ My readings explored the ways in which
the wild animal story prioritized the animality, individuality, and autonomy of
protagonists in contrast to the objectifying use of animals in other nineteenth-
century Canadian literature. I then
considered the genre’s engagement with
advocacy through the defamiliarizing use of nonhuman biography. I contend
that by juxtaposing depictions of the animal protagonist as an autonomous,
living
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