particular: “how much of the real natural history of the crow is here? According
to my own observations of more than half a century, there is very little
” (133).
He asserts that “they do not drill their young” and “have no calls that […] answer
to our words,
‘Mount,’ ‘Bunch,’ ‘Scatter,’ ‘Descend,’ ‘Form line,’ ‘Forage,’—on
these and other points my observations differ radically from Mr. Thompson
Allmark-Kent 142
Seton’s” (133-4). Unsurprisingly, he argues for the dominance of instinct over
intelligence or instruction:
Nature has instilled into them all the fear of their enemies and equipped
them with different means in different degrees
to escape them […] The
young of all the wild creatures do instinctively what their parents do and
did. They do not have to be taught; they are taught by nature from the
start. (136-7)
Despite his omission of contemporary debates in animal psychology, it is clear
that Burroughs
’ perception of animal cognition is aligned with Morgan and the
behaviourists. Just as we can detect the traces of Darwin a
nd Romanes’ work in
the animal protagonists of Seton and Roberts, we can also recognize the
scientific discourses that influenced their accusers. There is a rigid,
mechanomorphism to this perception of instinct that does not allow for individual
flexibility or adaptability. Yet at the same time, we find it treated as an almost
supernatural ability, entirely unique to animals, and used to both encompass
and to explain a vast range of activities and behaviours. Of course, the
supremacy of anthropocentrism will always lend greater weight to ideas that
validate the human intelligence and uniqueness, and undermine it in nonhuman
beings. For instance, it is worth noting that reductive, mechanomorphism is
deemed to be a minor error compared to anthropomorphism. As such,
Burroughs’ perception of Seton’s over-estimation of crow intelligence seems to
justify
reductio ad absurdum
. He declares that, “crows do not train their young.
They have no fortresses, or schools, or colleges, or examining boards, or
diplomas,
” and continues with such examples at length (136). So once more,
rather than acknowledging competing discourses, Burroughs labels Seton's
representation of crows as false, insists upon the controlling force of instinct,
and ridicules him at length.
Allmark-Kent 143
In the force of the criticisms and mockery that Burroughs and Roosevelt
deliver, we can detect their reliance on the associations between
anthropomorphism, sentimentality, effeminacy, childishness, ignorance,
amateurism, and the perceived weakness of the urban middle-classes. Given
his cultivated public image of active, white American masculinity, it is
unsurprising that Roosevelt is particularly reliant on these discourses. In 1907,
he dealt what Lutts describes as the “killing blow” of the Nature Fakers
controversy (
Wild Animal Story
127). He had been involved from the start, but
had refrained from any direct interventions into the debate. Roosevelt phrased
his article in fairly general terms, but his meaning was clear: “real outdoor
naturalists, real observers of nature […] naturally felt a half-indignant and half-
amused contempt both for the men who invented the preposterous fiction about
wild animals, and for the credulous stay-at-home people who accepted such
fiction as fact” (192). Again, we find the debate framed in terms of truth and
falsehoods, real naturalists and gullible readers, rather than competing
movements in animal psychology. He continues:
The modern ‘nature faker’ is of course an object of derision to every
scientist worthy of the name, to every real lover of the wilderness, to
every faunal naturalist, to every true hunter or nature lover. But it is
evident that he completely deceives many good people who are wholly
ignorant of wild life. (193)
We can recognize
here an extension of Burroughs’ implication that to believe
Seton's depictions of animal intelligence was to be unable to distinguish
between fact and fiction. Likewise, considering the history of the title, it is
interesting to note Roosevelt's appropria
tion of ‘scientist.’ We can see that by
1907 the word had taken on its modern connotations of authority, objectivity,
rationality, and prudent scepticism
—in other words, the antithesis of sentimental
or childish anthropomorphism. There is a certain irony, however, that both
Allmark-Kent 144
Burroughs and Roosevelt co-
opt ‘scientist’ and even the names of particular
scientists (as Burroughs had done, Roosevelt also provides a list) without any
acknowledgement of the scientific discourses and debates relevant to the
controversy. Instead, Roosevelt pursues the anthropocentric prejudice against
belief in animal intelligence further by relying on stereotypes of rural and Native
peoples:
Sometimes he draws on his own imagination for his fictions; sometimes
he gets them secondhand from irresponsible guides or trappers or
Indians […] As for Indians, they live in a world of mysticism, and they
often ascribe supernatural traits to the animals they know, just as the
men of the Middle Ages, with the almost same childlike faith, credited the
marvels told of the unicorn, the basilisk, the roc, and the cockatrice. (193-
4)
Playing on a relationship between scientific rationality and Eurocentric
prejudices, Roosevelt adds connotations of primitivism and the noble savage to
the traits associated with anthropomorphism. It is unsurprising that this article
ended the controversy and permanently branded Seton and Roberts as
‘nature
f
akers.’ When we consider that the President of the United States was making
such accusations to support one of the best-known nature writers of the age, it
is small wonder that the wild animal story has been remembered as an
‘embarrassment’ to Canadian literature. As I have demonstrated, the label
‘nature faker’ had more to do with bolstering the authority of the accusers, than
any intentional or unthinking deception from the accused.
Of course, Roosevelt
’s presidential authority is not the only reason that
‘nature fakers’ lost the debate; I contend that the emergence of behaviourism is
an extremely influential factor. The early years of the twentieth century were a
pivotal moment both for the scientific study of animal minds and for the rise of
modern agriculture. Burroughs, Roosev
elt, and the others picked the ‘winning
side.’ In other words, I suggest that they were so successful because Morgan's
Allmark-Kent 145
canon was starting to dominate interpretations of animal cognition.
Behaviourism remained dominant, particularly in North America, for most of the
century, and its legacy still inhibits and obstructs cognitive ethology today.
Anthropomorphism and mechanomorphism can be considered as equally
erroneous, with the former carrying a far greater anxiety for scientists, even
today.
As I will demonstrate in the subsequent chapters of this thesis, much of
Seton’s and Roberts’ representations have since been validated by recent
cognitive ethology research. Burroughs’ and Roosevelt’s criticisms, therefore,
cannot be understood in t
erms of ‘truth’ or ‘accuracy,’ ‘natural history’ or ‘nature
faking.’ In other words, the category of ‘anthropomorphism’ is not fixed—it is
culturally and historically determined. I believe that by investigating these
scientific contexts in depth, it becomes clear that the controversy was motivated
by the changing state of animal psychology at the time. If Romanes’ approach
had become dominant, it is possible that the debate would have turned out quite
differently
—or, perhaps, never happened at all. Indeed it is the twenty-first-
century prominence of cognitive ethology that leads me to believe the time is
right for their re-evaluation. It may be possible, at last, for them to perform the
scientific engagement they intended. Similarly, the rise of ecocriticism and
literary animal studies indicates the potential formation of a nature-endorsing,
anti-anthropocentric literary canon. As my re-interpretation and re-evaluation of
the wild animal story indicates, anyone seeking robust, zoocentric
representations would do well to look to the work of Seton and Roberts.
Allmark-Kent 146
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