Introduction
5
comprised of an imperial orientation, an “annalistic” format, and com-
position in
kanbun
.
9
The six “imperially commissioned”
histories of
the Nara and early Heian courts provided a model of orthodox histori-
ography, and they would continue to operate as a referent in at least
some of the eleventh-century discussions of what constituted the writ-
ing of history. Despite their status as official court products, however,
the last of the six, the
Nihon sandai jitsuroku
(True Record of Three
Reigns in Japan), was completed in 901. By the time
The Great Mirror
appeared almost two centuries later, the court had lost its monopoly
on historiography.
In the early Heian period, official histories had appeared fairly regu-
larly: the
Nihon kōki
(Subsequent Records of Japan) in 840,
Shoku Nihon
kōki
(Continued Subsequent Records of Japan) in 869, and
Nihon Mon-
toku Tennō Jitsuroku
(The True Record of Emperor Montoku of Japan)
in 879. Had things proceeded apace, following the
True Record of Three
Reigns
from 901, one might have expected another “installment” in the
930s at the latest. However, the 930s brought instead, in the form of two
nearly simultaneous rebellions, ominous rumblings from the far reaches
of a thinly stretched imperial polity. Off to the east, in distant Hitachi
Province, Taira no Masakado (died 940) proclaimed himself emperor in
939 after four years of irregular armed clashes.
At almost the same time,
Fujiwara no Sumitomo (died 941) staged an insurrection in the west in
the area surrounding the Set
ō
Inland Sea. Masakado’s “reign” was brought
to an end with an arrow in 940, and Sumitomo’s uprising likewise ended
in failure in 941. Nonetheless, their defeats could not have been an easy
or inexpensive matter for a court that lacked a regular conscription army.
In the words of
The Great Mirror
, the fact that “Masakado’s rebellion
9. This rudimentary summary of the following works, also known as the “six na-
tional histories,” is based on Sakamoto,
Six National Histories of Japan
, 10–11. However,
I follow Endō Keita in using “imperially commissioned” rather than “national” (see, for
instance, “Chokusen shisho no seijisei”). This book has an
intellectual affinity with
Endō’s article, which argues that an editorial position can be revealed in the selection
and arrangement of the materials that constitute any given national history. In this
book,
kanbun
refers to writing produced in Japan but modeled after Classical Chinese.
Wabun
is used to refer to texts primarily written in
hiragana
(a phonetic syllabary) that
make use of traditional Japanese vocabulary and grammar.