in Cracow, Zamenhof could transfer his activity to the ideological sphere. A little more
than a year previously, in late 1910, he had written a speech in Esperanto for the First
Zamenhof believed that interracial divisions and hatred were not caused by political,
economic, geographic, anatomical, or intellectual differences, or by different origins.
Therefore, “interracial divisions and hatred will completely disappear only when the
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Because the creation of a unified human race was not possible in the near future,
however, humanity should organize itself in such a way that “keeping their ethnic
language and religion for use within their own linguistic and religious group, human
beings use a neutrally human language in all interracial relations and live according to
neutrally human ethics, morals and living arrangements.” (Mi estas Homo 196) Without
treating the religious theme in detail, Zamenhof argued for the use of Esperanto.
He did not attend the congress, which took place from the 26
th
to the 29
th
of July,
1911, with 3,000 participants, but his speech was published in the imposing acts of the
congress (International Language 425-432).
Having shown the way to dispel linguistic divisions, Zamenhof presented, after the
Cracow congress, the solution to religious differences.
In 1913, he planned to organize a Congress for a Neutrally Human Religion in
conjunction with the 10
th
Universal Congress of Esperanto to be held in Paris the
following year. His idea was unusual: he intended to address, not those who believed
their religion was the only true one given by God, but freethinkers who had abandoned
the religion of their forefathers. Of the four theses expressed in his Declaration, three
were more or less in line with the religious dogmas of homaranism, while the fourth
dealt with organization. The Parisian leaders of the Esperanto movement opposed his
plan, so he decided to hold a separate, small congress in Bern following the Esperanto
Congress in Paris.
In the same year, he published a new version of the Declaration of Homaranism
and, for the first time, signed it with his real name. The text was changed somewhat,
especially in the religious part, where the temples were no longer mentioned, but
communities of freethinkers were added. The concrete, neutrally human names of
countries no longer figured in the text. Mentions of Russia and the Boulogne congress
were deleted from the foreword. Zamenhof accepted that, within a state or city, the role
of neutral language could be filled by the official language or by the “cultural language
spoken by the majority of the local population” and that the neutrally human language
was recommended for those places where different ethnic groups were in conflict with
each other.
At the ninth Universal Congress in Bern in 1913, Zamenhof was for the first time
just a simple congress participant. The keynote speech was delivered by the Swiss
scientist René de Saussure, brother of the famous linguist Ferdinand de Saussure.
Two weeks before the Bern congress, on the 12
th
of August, 1913, Carlo Bourlet
passed away. Bourlet's
death was a severe blow, because without his influence, Hachette
lost interest in Esperanto and the eighth volume of La Revuo (September 1913–August
1914) turned out to be the last. Zamenhof quickly realized that in August 1914 he would
lose his main source of income and that he would not be able to publish his Biblical
texts with Hachette. He looked for a new publisher. Finally, he reached an agreement to
46
publish his translation of the Old Testament with The British and Foreign Bible Society.
Because the translation of the Old Testament took all his free time, he set aside
almost everything else related to Esperanto. We will mention only two events in which
he was obliged to intervene.
1)
In 1914, it was suggested to Zamenhof that he become a member of the Hebrew
Esperanto Association, whose founding meeting was to take place during the Paris
Congress. Zamenhof approved of the association's founding, but, as a homaranist,
he did not want to ally himself with any ethnic group or religion and explained his
decision in the following way:
I am deeply convinced that all nationalism represents nothing but the
greatest misfortune for humanity and that every human being should
strive to create harmony within the human race, whose only
boundaries should be geographical, not racial or religious. It is true
that the nationalism of oppressed peoples, which is a natural reaction
of self-defence, is much more forgivable than that of their oppressors.
Nevertheless, if the nationalism of the powerful is ignoble, that of the
weak is imprudent, for they each give rise to and sustain each other
and represent a vicious circle of misery, from which humanity will
never escape unless all of us sacrifice our group egotism and make an
effort to stand on completely neutral ground.
That is the reason why, despite the heart-rending sufferings of my
people, I will not ally myself with Hebrew nationalism, but prefer to
work only for absolute justice between peoples. I am profoundly
convinced that I can do much more good for my unhappy race in this
way than by nationalistic endeavours. (Mi estas Homo 217-218)
2)
Antisemitism was increasing in Poland. It even permeated the review
Pola
Esperantisto (
Polish Esperantist), which published in its May 1914
issue the
article Poloj kaj Hebreoj by Andrzei Niemojewski, a Polish author, translator and
scientist, who was also an Esperantist. It was not the article itself that most
distressed Zamenhof, for similar articles were common in Poland. What upset him
the most was the foreword by Pola Esperantisto's editor, the Warsaw journalist
Mieczysław Czerwiński, who called the Talmud “a horrible book of superstitions
and hatred of everything non-Jewish”.
Zamenhof sent a protest to Pola Esperantisto. Czerwiński did not publish it and,
instead, mentioned in the June issue that the editor had received several protests
from Jews who “clearly revealed to us the lack of education of those who defend
the Talmud”. At the same time, he declared open war on the Talmud.