part of the clergy.
It is neither malicious ill will in itself, nor is it caused, let us say,
by commands from 'above'; no, in such a lack of national
determination we see merely the result of an inadequate
education in Germanism from childhood up and, on the other
hand, an unlimited submission to an idea which has become an
idol.
Education in democracy, in socialism of the international variety,
in pacifism, etc., is a thing so rigid and exclusive, so purely
subjective from these points of view, that the general picture of
the remaining world is colored by this dogmatic conception,
while the attitude toward Germanism has remained exceedingly
objective from early youth. Thus, the pacifist, by giving himself
subjectively and entirely to his idea, will, in the presence of any
menace to his people, be it ever so grave and unjust, always (in
so far as he is a German) seek after the objective right and never
from pure instinct of selfpreservation join the ranks of his herd
and fight with them.
To what extent this is also true of the different religions is shown
by the following:
Protestantism as such is a better defender of the interests of
Germanism, in so far as this is grounded in its genesis and later
tradition: it fails, however, in the moment when this defense of
national interests must take place in a province which is either
absent from the general line of its ideological world and
traditional development, or is for some reason rejected.
Thus, Protestantism will always stand up for the advancement of
all Germanism as such, as long as matters of inner purity or
national deepening as well as German freedom are involved since
all these things have a firm foundation in its own being; but it
combats with the greatest hostility any attempt to rescue the
nation from the embrace of its most mortal enemy, since its
attitude toward the Jews just happens to be more or less
dogmatically established. Yet here we are facing the question
without whose solution all other attempts at a German
reawakening or resurrection are and remain absolutely senseless
and impossible.
In my Vienna period I had leisure and opportunity enough for an
unprejudiced examination of this question too, and in my daily
contacts was able to establish the correctness of this view a
thousand times over.
In this focus of the most varied nationalities, it immediately
becomes clearly apparent that the German pacifist is alone in
always attempting to view the interests of his own nation
objectively, but that the Jew will never regard those of the Jewish
people in this way; that only the German Socialist is
linternaticnal' in a sense which forbids him to beg justice for his
own people except by whimpering and whining in the midst of
his international comrades, but never a Czech or a Pole, etc.; in
short, I recognized even then that the misfortune lies only partly
in these doctrines, and partly in our totally inadequate education
in national sentiment and a resultant lack of devotion to our
nation.
Thus, the first theoretical foundation for a struggle of the
PanGerman movement against Catholicism as such was lacking.
Let the German people be raised from childhood up with that
exclusive recognition of the rights of their own nationality, and
let not the hearts of children be contaminated with the curse of
our 'objectivity,' even in matters regarding the preservation of
their own ego. Then in a short time it will be seen that
(presupposing, of course, a radically national government) in
Germany, as in Ireland, Poland, or France, the Catholic will
always be a German.
The mightiest proof of this was provided by that epoch which for
the last time led our nation into a lifeanddeath struggle before
the judgment seat of history in defense of its own existence.
As long as leadership from above was not lacking, the people
fulfilled their duty and obligation overwhelmingly. Whether
Protestant pastor or Catholic priest, both together contributed
infinitely in maintaining for so long our power to resist, not only
at the front but also at home. In these years and particularly at the
first flare, there really existed in both camps but a single holy
German Reich, for whose existence and future each man turned
to his own heaven.
The PanGerman movement in Austria should have asked itself
one question:
Is the preservation of GermanAustrianism possible under a
Catholic faith, or is it not? If yes, the political party had no right
to concern itself with religious or denominational matters; if not,
then what was needed was a religious reformation and never a
political party.
Anyone who thinks he can arrive at a religious reformation by
the detour of a political organization only shows that he has no
glimmer of knowledge of the development of religious ideas or
dogmas and their ecclesiastical consequences.
Verily a man cannot serve two masters. And I consider the
foundation or destruction of a religion far greater than the
foundation or destruction of a state, let alone a party.
And let it not be said that this is only a defense against the
attacks from the other side!
It is certain that at all times unscrupulous scoundrels have not
shunned to make even religion the instrument of their political
bargains (for that is what such rabble almost always and
exclusively deal in): but just as certainly it is wrong to make a
religious denomination responsible for a number of tramps who
abuse it in exactly the same way as they would probably make
anything else serve their low instincts.
Nothing can better suit one of these parliamentarian goodfor
nothings and loungelizards than when an opportunity is offered
to justify his political swindling, even after the fact.
For as soon as religion or even denomination is made responsible
for his personal vices and attacked on that ground, this shameless
liar sets up a great outcry and calls the whole world to witness
that his behavior has been completely justified and that he alone
and his eloquence are to be thanked for saving religion of the
Church. The public, as stupid as it is forgetful, is, as a rule,
prevented by the very outcry from recognizing the real instigator
of the struggle or else has forgotten him, and the scoundrel has to
all intents and purposes achieved his goal.
The sly fox knows perfectly well that this has nothing to do with
religion; and he will silently laugh up his sleeve while his honest
but clumsy opponent loses the game and one day, despairing of
the loyalty and faith of humanity, withdraws from it all.
And in another sense it would be unjust to make religion as such
or even the Church responsible for the failings of individuals.
Compare the greatness of the visible organization before our eyes
with the average fallibility of man in general, and you will have
to admit that in it the relation of good and evil is better than
anywhere else. To be sure, even among the priests themselves
there are those to whom their holy office is only a means of
satisfying their political ambition, yes, who in political struggle
forget, in a fashion which is often more than deplorable that they
are supposed to be the guardians of a higher truth and not the
representatives of lies and slanderbut for one such unworthy
priest there are a thousand and more honorable ones, shepherds
most loyally devoted to their mission, who, in our present false
and decadent period, stand out of the general morass like little
islands.
No more than I condemn, or would be justified in condemning,
the Church as such when a degenerate individual in a cassock
obscenely transgresses against morality, do I condemn it when
one of the many others besmirches and betrays his nationality at
a time when this is a daily occurrence anyway. Particularly
today, we must not forget that for one such Ephialtes there are
thousands who with bleeding heart feel the misfortune of their
people and like the best of our nation long for the hour in which
Heaven will smile on us again.
And if anyone replies that here we are not concerned with such
everyday problems, but with questions of principle and truth or
dogmatic content, we can aptly counter with another question:
If you believe that you have been chosen by Fate to reveal the
truth in this matter, do so; but then have the courage to do so, not
indirectly through a political partyfor this is a swindle; but for
today's evil substitute your future good.
But if you lack courage, or if your good is not quite clear even to
yourself, then keep your fingers out of the matter; in any case, do
not attempt by roundabout sneaking through a political
movement to do what you dare not do with an open vizor.
Political parties have nothing to do with religious problems, as
long as these are not alien to the nation, undermining the morals
and ethics of the race; just as religion cannot be amalgamated
with the scheming of political parties.
When Church dignitaries make use of religious institutions or
doctrines to injure their nation, we must never follow them on
this path and fight with the same methods.
For the political leader the religious doctrines and institutions of
his people trust always remain inviolable; or else he has no right
to be in politics, but should become a reformer, if he has what it
takes!
Especially in Germany any other attitude would lead to a
catastrophe.
In my study of the PanGerman movement and its struggle
against Rome, I then, and even more in the years to come,
arrived at the following conviction: This movement's inadequate
appreciation of the importance of the social problem cost it the
truly militant mass of the people; its entry into parliament took
away its mighty impetus and burdened it with all the weaknesses
peculiar to this institution; the struggle against the Catholic
Church made it impossible in numerous small and middle circles,
and thus robbed it of countless of the best elements that the
nation can call its own.
The practical result of the Austrian Kulturkampf At was next to
To be sure, it succeeded in tearing some hundred thousand
members away from the Church, yet without causing it any
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