In Little Need of Divine Intervention
, 273–74.
The Past in the Wake of the Mongols
225
In other words,
The Mirror of the East
, which centralizes cosmological au-
thority in the institution of the office of the shogun (or in the pair of
offices of the shogun and regent) and its supporters, appears precisely at
the instant when the
bakufu
begins to more actively assert and perform
the cosmological basis for its authority.
83
This may also partially explain
why
The Mirror of the East
stops when it does: the Mongol invasions are
a moment when the
bakufu
fails to perform the ritual functions neces-
sary to create a compelling narrative of divine support for its actions. Bet-
ter to regroup and reframe the past in a way that demonstrates that,
from the beginning, the gods and buddhas alike have guaranteed the
ba-
kufu
’s legitimacy and authority. This allows any reader to infer that, by
extension, the
bakufu
was surely supported by the same powers in the
most recent conflicts, too.
84
I am disinclined to think that the presumed gap between the years
covered in
The Mirror of the East
and its time of compilation represents a
concerted effort to break with the past and establish it as a distinct ob-
ject. In my reading, there is no attempt to establish that the world has
moved beyond the one depicted in
The Mirror of the East
—rather, the
text represents an effort to reestablish a connection between a divinely
sanctioned origin and its contemporary iteration.
85
The past—the age of
a powerful
bakufu—
is again desired as the present. In this respect,
The
Mirror of the East
exhibits an unexpected affinity with the earliest
Mir-
rors
. The world it relates is connected to that of the present, and it is tac-
itly centered at a site close to the home of authority. However, at the
same time, I want to suggest that by breaking off its narrative before a
challenge that the
bakufu
survived, the work ends on an optimistic note.
The Great Mirror
celebrated something that had already been lost by the
time of its composition, and in this sense, its glory could never be other
than ironic.
The Mirror of the East
, in contrast, can be read as seeking to
persuade the reader that just as the
bakufu
is known to have survived the
83. In addition, it was also facing Fushimi (1265–1317), who was a more ambitious
emperor. See Ishii, “Decline of the Kamakura Bakufu,” 164–65.
84. Gomi reaches a similar conclusion about the desirability of a “reconsideration”
of the past in the face of the
bakufu
’s challenges over the decades following Sanetomo’s
removal (
Zōho Azuma kagami no hōhō
, 311).
85. Therefore, the requisite distance to think of the past here as an object of knowl-
edge is lacking. Compare Certeau,
Writing of History
, 36–37.
226
Moving Mirrors
famous challenges that arose after the text’s conclusion, so, too, can it be
assumed to be able to survive into the future.
Thus,
The Mirror of the East
is at one end of the Kamakura
Mirror
spectrum: a text that cloaks its revolutionary stance in a conservative lin-
guistic form as one way of legitimizing its position. At the same time, it
is a text that refuses to openly tie itself to a single location. Even as Ka-
makura and, more precisely, Tsurugaoka clearly constitute its nexus,
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