kanbun
and
wabun
spheres of authority. Nevertheless, in
either investigation, the inclusion of
kanbun
can be interpreted as a way
to supplement another notion of legitimacy, buttressing the authority al-
ready implicit in the colloquial-style
Mirror
principle or reinforcing the
implied truth claims of the eyewitness account. Not only has Tadachika
woven together a narrative of decline that accounts for the Genpei War,
but he has also done so in a hybrid idiom that moves between the language
of the old authority of the court and that of the earlier
Mirrors
, creating
a work that reaches far beyond the purview of the traditional elite.
Conclusion
It is true that many of the concerns of Tadachika do not seem to have
spoken to the popular imagination in the way that more literary or artis-
tic renderings of the warriors of the Genpei War did. The
Hōgen
(circa
1223) and
Heiji
(1230s or 1240s) tales relate the vicissitudes of war, allot-
ting space to both valor and sorrow, as well as the machinations for power
136
Deviant by Design
behind both disturbances,
114
and the thirteenth-century scroll
Heiji mo-
nogatari ekotoba
(Illustrated Scroll of the Tale of the Heiji) renders the
Heiji Disturbance in frightening yet beautiful strokes.
115
Dramatic repre-
sentations of romanticized warriors likewise later flourished in
nō
drama,
doubtless inspired at least in part by warrior patronage. The great play-
wright Zeami (circa 1363–circa 1443) composed at least three plays on
Taira casualties from the Genpei War: “Atsumori,” “Tsunemasa,” and
“Sanemori.” The only play that “stars” a contemporary courtier is “Teika,”
the work of Zeami’s son-in-law Konparu Zenchiku (1405–circa 1470), and
it is scarcely a flattering depiction; rather, the poet has become a vine that
entwines the ghost of his lover, creeping around her grave and prevent-
ing her release from the bonds of attachment.
Nevertheless, despite an apparently wider audience for warrior-
oriented works,
The Water Mirror
did make an impact in the world of
Mirror
writing and perhaps even beyond. As shown above, similar meta-
narratives of the four
kalpas
are present in
A Record of the Jōkyū Years
and
A Chronicle of Gods and Sovereigns
. Though neither of these later works
mentions
The Water Mirror
, the similarities in the ways in which they
structure their respective narratives in terms of cosmological explanations
are too striking to be mere coincidence. Moreover, the explanation in
A Record of the Jōkyū Years
of the connection between Buddhism and
the understanding of time makes it clear that medieval thinkers saw the
power of including this kind of metanarrative to enable a reimagining of
history—as a way not only to reflect on the past but also to understand
events to come: “Since then [the Buddha’s death] more than two thou-
sand springs and autumns have passed like a dream, yet his [the Bud-
dha’s] teaching flourishes still. Those who master it, laymen and clerics
alike, understand both past and future.”
116
114. I follow Tyler in these dates (
Before
Heike
and After
, 9 and 106).
115. Ikeda Shinobu argues that, unlike the manuscripts for the
Heiji
tale, the scroll
represents a courtier perspective that unfavorably depicts warriors and that its beautifi-
cation of events may be an attempt to render them as “the past” (“‘Heiji monogatari
emaki,’” 255–57). Matsubara Shigeru offers a fairly narrow date range for the scroll’s
composition: circa 1249–55 (“‘Heiji monogatari ekotoba,’” 100).
116. Matsubayashi,
Jōkyūki
, 177. The translation is from Tyler,
Before
Heike
and
After
, 198.
Multilingual Writing in Medieval Japan
137
Within the scope of the later
Mirrors
, the factors this chapter has dis-
cussed as innovations in
The Water Mirror
are present in the next cosmo-
logical history to take up the
Mirror
mantle:
The China Mirror
. A linear
historical trajectory, the integration of
kanbun
-derived passages, and the
overt use of a textual archive to support contents presented primarily as
oral testimony all appear in
The China Mirror
in ways that suggest they
are further modifications of
The Water Mirror
’s techniques. In other
words,
The Water Mirror
may well have had an impact on the perception
of a
Mirror
’s uses and, by extension, on the purposes to which narrating
the past can be put.
Lastly, understanding the significance and power of Tadachika’s un-
orthodox alterations helps make sense of the sometimes cold reception of
his work. When the fourteenth-century
Clear Mirror
, the final and most
conservative of the well-known medieval
Mirrors
, dismisses
The Water
Mirror
as “something I but cursorily looked through,” we can guess why.
117
Even though
The China Mirror
and eventually
The Mirror of the East
, writ-
ten in the late Kamakura period, appear to build on
The Water Mirror
’s
changes (and the Muromachi
Mirror of the Gods
overtly cites the work),
The Clear Mirror
largely brushes them off, suggesting that subsequent me-
dieval authors saw in the very sites that have been the foci of this chap-
ter’s analysis (those points at which Tadachika demonstrably and strate-
gically deviates from earlier norms) the power to innovate or threaten the
way people articulated and processed the past.
117. Kidō,
Masukagami
, 7.
Main texts (in chronological order)
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