Chūsei
no gunki monogatari to rekishi jojutsu
. Sakurai Yoshirō is another scholar who effectively
engages with Western theorists in his investigation of medieval writing (
Chūsei Nihon
no shinwa to rekishi jojutsu
).
Introduction
21
shogunate, are
The Great Mirror
,
The New Mirror
,
The Water Mirror
,
The China Mirror
,
The Mirror of the East
,
The Mirror of the Watchman in
the Fields
,
The Clear Mirror
, and
The Mirror of the Gods
.
52
To readers
familiar with the texts in question, this might seem at first a strange
assortment—especially the inclusion of
The Mirror of the East—
with
little to justify the grouping beyond the fact that each work has
Mirror
in the title.
53
Yet while scholars have frequently pointed to early discrep-
ancies in the names of
The Great Mirror
and
The New Mirror
, and the di-
versity of texts upon which
The Mirror of the East
draws, the fact remains
that all of these texts came to be read as
Mirrors
in the time period under
discussion in this book.
54
To me, this suggests a common mode of read-
ing. To refer once again to Yamada Naoko’s characterization of conti-
nental precedents for reading
Mirrors
as works that show “history pre-
sented in terms of knowledge, models, and admonitions as a ‘mirror’ to
reflect actual society,”
55
I would suggest that all of the historiographic
Mirrors
listed above, and even
Watchman
, lend themselves to this type of
consumption.
Related to the notion of how the
Mirrors
, as cosmological histories,
are read, one can also say that each lends itself to a reading as a “histori-
cal narrative,” to borrow a turn of phrase from Paul Ricoeur’s discus-
sion of the “historian’s presentation.” (“Historical narrative” is not to be
confused with the problematic genre of “historical tales.”) As Ricoeur
explains, a “historical narrative” is a work through which “the reader
52. For an early exploration of the
Mirrors
as
Great
,
New
,
Water
, and
Clear
, see
Onoue, “Kaidai.” See also Atsuta, “Rekishi toshite no kagamimono.”
53. Komine is one of the few scholars to contend that
The Mirror of the East
de-
serves inclusion in such an inquiry, claiming that it is indispensable to any discussion of
“medieval narrating of history . . . not as a historical source from the Kamakura
ba-
kufu
, but rather as a text that narrativizes history through and through” as part of a
larger argument for a more catholic treatment of historical tales (“Chūsei no rekishi
jojutsu,” 163). Fukuda, too, has acknowledged that
The Mirror of the East
shares features
with the works he designates as historical tales (“Rekishi monogatari no han’i to kei-
retsu [jō],” 29), and recent Japanese work has begun to treat it precisely in this way.
54. On
The Mirror of the East
, a
Mirror
of relatively late provenance, Gomi Fumi-
hiko points out that the title is already in existence by the fourteenth century (
Shomotsu
no chūseishi
, 463).
55. Yamada, “‘Kara kagami’-kō,” 30.
|