selection
itself is tactical. Likewise, the curlew’s
ability to recognize and return to the same territory each year is based on an
accurate memory and detailed knowledge of geography. It seems that, not only
does the Eskimo curlew hold in his mind an incredibly precise image of the
specific boundaries of his carefully-chosen territory, he may also possess a
strong emotional attachment to it.
As the curlew approaches his territory, he is so overcome with emotion
that
he hardly remembers “he had been mysteriously alone” (9) during each
mating season. The “lonely weeks passed and, inexplicably, no female had
Allmark-Kent 164
come” (9). At this point, in the opening pages of the novel, Bodsworth begins to
insist upon the controlling force of
instinct
, claiming that the “curlew’s instinct-
dominated brain didn’t know or didn’t ask why” he had been alone so long (9).
Yet in the following pages, when the female fails to arrive for another year, the
curlew does start to ask
why
:
somewhere in his tiny, rudimentary brain the simple beginnings of a
reasoning process were starting. Why was he always alone? When the
rabid fire of the mating time burned fiercely in every cell, where were the
females of his species which the curlew’s instinct promised springtime
after springtime? And now, with the time for the flocking to come, why in
the myriads of shorebirds and other curlews, were there none of the
smaller and lighter-brown curlews he could recognize as his own kind?
(25)
Despite Bo
dsworth’s description of the curlew’s brain as “tiny” and
“rudimentary,” the ability to assess a situation and compare it to an imagined
expectation requires some fairly sophisticated mental processes. The
speculative, questioning nature of the curlew’s confused loneliness is arresting.
Such moments of cognitive and emotional complexity demonstrate the curlew’s
vitality; he is not an instinct-dominated automaton but an
imaginative
and
curious individual
. Moreover, his
awareness
of species loss becomes a
defamiliarizing address to readers. The strength of zoocentric narratives can
often
lie in the nonhuman’s ability to observe and communicate the
consequences of human behaviour back to us.
Beginning with early sightings of Eskimo curlews by Europeans, the first
historical account quoted in “The Gauntlet” is from the Royal Society of London
in 1772: “New Species.
Scolopax Borealis
. Eskimaux Curlew. This species of
curlew, [sic] is not yet known to the Ornithologists” (20). The excerpt notes that
the curlew “breeds to the northward, returns in August, and goes away
southward again the latter end of September in enormous flocks” (20).
Bodsworth includes these descriptions in the extract to ensure that the reader is
Allmark-Kent 165
aware that in 1772
the Eskimo curlew population was “enormous,” a stark
comparison to the solitary life of his lonely protagonist. The following “Gauntlet”
section states that in 1884 the Eskimo curlew was still plentiful: “Here an
immense flock of several hundred individuals were making their way to the
south” (30). As the accounts continue, however, the death toll rises and the
population diminishes:
Annual Report of the Board of Regents for the year ending June 30,
1915. . . . [sic] In Newfoundland and on the Magdalen Island in the Gulf
of St. Lawrence, for many years after the middle of the nineteenth
century, the Eskimo curlew arrived in August and September in millions
that darkened the sky. . . . In a day’s shoot by 25 or 30 men as many as
2,000 curlews would be kil
led for the Hudson Bay Co.’s store at
Cartwright, Labrador. (49)
The Committee on Bird Protection desire to present herewith to the Fifty-
fifth Stated Meeting of the American Ornithologists’ Union the results of
its inquiries during 1939 […] the most dangerously situated are
unquestionably the California condor, Eskimo curlew and ivory-billed
woodpecker. They have been reduced to the point where numbers may
be so low that individuals remain separated. (77)
In less than two centuries, the Eskimo curlew pop
ulation reduces from “millions”
(49) to scattered individuals. The time-scale aligns with the colonization of North
America, and as the dates of each extract progress chronologically, their
locations move geographically: from the first published by “The Royal Society of
London” in 1772 (19) to the last published by “University of Toronto Press: 1955
in co-
operation with the Royal Ontario Museum of Zoology and Palæontology”
(123). It is significant also that the Hudson’s Bay Company is mentioned
frequently t
hroughout “The Gauntlet.” Initially a fur-trading business known as
“the Company of Adventurers of England trading into Hudson Bay” (Miller 149),
the Company was instrumental in the colonial exploitation of Canadian wildlife.
Here, then, we see the consequences of the extremely anthropocentric thinking
encountered in the early Canadian nature writing. By the twentieth-century,
however, the myth of North American superabundance has finally been
Allmark-Kent 166
exposed. For instance,
Bodsworth states that “the Eskimos once waited for the
soft, tremulous, far-carrying chatter of the Eskimo curlew flocks and the promise
of tender flesh that chatter brought to the Arctic land” (7). He implicitly reveals
that although some indigenous peoples of the Arctic used curlews for meat they
did not drive the species to extinction. That is to be blamed, Bodsworth
suggests, upon European colonizers and their descendants.
Bodsworth’s use of historical materials demonstrates the catastrophic
real-world consequences of speciesism. Bodsworth opens the novel with a
short introductory statement, providing an overview of the curlew’s migration
patterns and gradual extinction: “the Eskimo curlew, originally one of the
continent’s most abundant game-birds, flew a gauntlet of shot each Spring and
Autu
mn” (7). The identification as ‘game’ spells the death of the Eskimo curlew
population, just as ‘vermin’ had done for Seton’s wolves and coyotes. One
extract in “The Gauntlet” mentions that the curlew was also called “Dough-bird”
by gunners (57). This name
derives from the bird’s technique of overfeeding
and gaining weight prior to migration in order to endure the gruelling journey. It
is a tragic irony that a survival mechanism honed by evolution should accelerate
the death of the species because humans fi
nd “the thick layer of fat […] so soft
that it felt like a ball of dough” so delicious (57). The same extract goes on to
demonstrate the devastation caused by this label:
two Massachusetts market gunners sold $300 worth from one flight . . .
boys offer the birds for sale at 6 cents apiece . . . in 1882 two hunters in
Nantucket shot 87 Eskimo curlew in one morning . . . by 1894 there was
only one dough-bird offered for sale on the Boston market. (48)
The Eskimo curlew’s extinction was not caused by seemingly ‘indirect’ human
actions, such as loss of habitat. The exact correlation between the name
‘dough-bird’ and the extreme proportions of the species’ slaughter demonstrate
the direct link between anthropocentric discourse and anthropocentric violence.
Allmark-Kent 167
If the Eskimo curlew had not fitted into the category assigned to it by humans, it
might have been allowed to survive like many other nonhumans we choose not
to kill.
Bodsworth does not explicitly state that the label ‘game-bird’ spelled the
curlew’s destruction, but he demonstrates it through his introductory overview of
their extinction and the historical materials selected for “The Gauntlet. As
Scholtmeijer states, “[t]he facts speak for themselves; as presented, they
disallow authorial condemnation, but nevertheless illustrate human culpability
on a vast scale” (130).
R.Y. Edwards’ review of
Dostları ilə paylaş: |