Chapter 5:
Philosophy and Organization
The People's State, which I have tried to sketch in general
outline, will not become a reality in virtue of the simple fact that
we know the indispensable conditions of its existence. It does not
suffice to know what aspect such a State would present. The
problem of its foundation is far more important. The parties
which exist at present and which draw their profits from the State
as it now is cannot be expected to bring about a radical change in
the regime or to change their attitude on their own initiative. This
is rendered all the more impossible because the forces which now
have the direction of affairs in their hands are Jews here and Jews
there and Jews everywhere. The trend of development which we
are now experiencing would, if allowed to go on unhampered,
lead to the realization of the PanJewish prophecy that the Jews
will one day devour the other nations and become lords of the
earth.
In contrast to the millions of 'bourgeois' and 'proletarian'
Germans, who are stumbling to their ruin, mostly through
timidity, indolence and stupidity, the Jew pursues his way
persistently and keeps his eye always fixed on his future goal.
Any party that is led by him can fight for no other interests than
his, and his interests certainly have nothing in common with
those of the Aryan nations.
If we would transform our ideal picture of the People's State into
a reality we shall have to keep independent of the forces that now
control public life and seek for new forces that will be ready and
capable of taking up the fight for such an ideal. For a fight it will
have to be, since the first objective will not be to build up the
idea of the People's State but rather to wipe out the Jewish State
which is now in existence. As so often happens in the course of
history, the main difficulty is not to establish a new order of
things but to clear the ground for its establishment. Prejudices
and egotistic interests join together in forming a common front
against the new idea and in trying by every means to prevent its
triumph, because it is disagreeable to them or threatens their
existence.
That is why the protagonist of the new idea is unfortunately, in
spite of his desire for constructive work, compelled to wage a
destructive battle first, in order to abolish the existing state of
affairs.
A doctrine whose principles are radically new and of essential
importance must adopt the sharp probe of criticism as its
weapon, though this may show itself disagreeable to the
individual followers.
It is evidence of a very superficial insight into historical
developments if the socalled folkists emphasize again and again
that they will adopt the use of negative criticism under no
circumstances but will engage only in constructive work. That is
nothing but puerile chatter and is typical of the whole lot of
folkists. It is another proof that the history of our own times has
made no impression on these minds. Marxism too has had its
aims to pursue and it also recognizes constructive work, though
by this it understands only the establishment of despotic rule in
the hands of international Jewish finance. Nevertheless for
seventy years its principal work still remains in the field of
criticism. And what disruptive and destructive criticism it has
been! Criticism repeated again and again, until the corrosive acid
ate into the old State so thoroughly that it finally crumbled to
pieces. Only then did the socalled 'constructive' critical work of
Marxism begin. And that was natural, right and logical. An
existing order of things is not abolished by merely proclaiming
and insisting on a new one. It must not be hoped that those who
are the partisans of the existing order and have their interests
bound up with it will be converted and won over to the new
movement simply by being shown that something new is
necessary. On the contrary, what may easily happen is that two
different situations will exist side by side and that thecalled
philosophy is transformed into a party, above which level it will
not be able to raise itself afterwards. For the philosophy is
intolerant and cannot permit another to exist side by side with it.
It imperiously demands its own recognition as unique and
exclusive and a complete transformation in accordance with its
views throughout all the branches of public life. It can never
allow the previous state of affairs to continue in existence by its
side.
And the same holds true of religions.
Christianity was not content with erecting an altar of its own. It
had first to destroy the pagan altars. It was only in virtue of this
passionate intolerance that an apodictic faith could grow up. And
intolerance is an indispensable condition for the growth of such a
faith.
It may be objected here that in these phenomena which we find
throughout the history of the world we have to recognize mostly
a specifically Jewish mode of thought and that such fanaticism
and intolerance are typical symptoms of Jewish mentality. That
may be a thousandfold true; and it is a fact deeply to be regretted.
The appearance of intolerance and fanaticism in the history of
mankind may be deeply regrettable, and it may be looked upon
as foreign to human nature, but the fact does not change
conditions as they exist today. The men who wish to liberate our
German nation from the conditions in which it now exists cannot
cudgel their brains with thinking how excellent it would be if this
or that had never arisen. They must strive to find ways and
means of abolishing what actually exists. A philosophy of life
which is inspired by an infernal spirit of intolerance can only be
set aside by a doctrine that is advanced in an equally ardent spirit
and fought for with as determined a will and which is itself a new
idea, pure and absolutely true.
Each one of us today may regret the fact that the advent of
Christianity was the first occasion on which spiritual terror was
introduced into the much freer ancient world, but the fact cannot
be denied that ever since then the world is pervaded and
dominated by this kind of coercion and that violence is broken
only by violence and terror by terror. Only then can a new regime
be created by means of constructive work. Political parties are
prone to enter compromises; but a philosophy never does this. A
political party is inclined to adjust its teachings with a view to
meeting those of its opponents, but a philosophy proclaims its
own infallibility.
In the beginning, political parties have also and nearly always the
intention of securing an exclusive and despotic domination for
themselves. They always show a slight tendency to become
philosophical. But the limited nature of their programme is in
itself enough to rob them of that heroic spirit which a philosophy
demands. The spirit of conciliation which animates their will
attracts those petty and chickenhearted people who are not fit to
be protagonists in any crusade. That is the reason why they
mostly become struck in their miserable pettiness very early on
the march. They give up fighting for their ideology and, by way
of what they call 'positive collaboration,' they try as quickly as
possible to wedge themselves into some tiny place at the trough
of the existent regime and to stick there as long as possible. Their
whole effort ends at that. And if they should get shouldered away
from the common manger by a competition of more brutal
manners then their only idea is to force themselves in again, by
force or chicanery, among the herd of all the others who have
similar appetites, in order to get back into the front row, and
finally – even at the expense of their most sacred convictions –
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